Wake up（216）

 

216

 

Pan Guangfu and Chai Jianmin took over the materials of "Peking University Chronicle" from Zhou Jianguo on the train from the inland to Shenzhen, including a book "Wind and Rain Unnamed Lake" published by China Biography Publishing House in 2018. It's Hu Zongshi. In the book, Hu Zongshi recalled the days when he returned to Peking University.

Pan Guangfu began to read "The Wind and Rain Unnamed Lake".

According to the "Peking University Chronicle" records: During the investigation of the "May 16th" Movement, the Peking University propaganda team took some students who had graduated and were assigned to other places back to the school and conducted an investigation. The exact number is unknown. According to the memories of some alumni, there are the following:

Hu Zongshi, a 1966 student of the Department of Physics at Peking University and former leader of the Cultural Revolution Dynamics Team at Nie Yuanzi School, was assigned to a factory in Baoji, Shaanxi in 1968, and was taken back to the school for review during the investigation of the "May 16" Movement.

Hu Zongshi recalled:

In early and mid-January 1971, I was on my honeymoon with my lover. At my mother-in-law’s house in Nanjing, I received a telegram from the factory urging me to go back to the factory. On the morning of February 19th, when I returned to the factory, I knew that Peking University had come. In the factory security team that night, Li Guixun from Peking University said to me: "Peking University has something to ask you to go back." The factory sent Wu Changshun from the cadre section to accompany Li Guixun to "escort" me on the train to Beijing that night, and arrived at Peking University around 2 am on the 21st. At 10:00 in the morning, I moved into Room 211 on the 43rd floor. There were wooden strips on the windows, and a big slogan on the door read: "Swear to fight the May 16 counter-revolutionary clique to the end!"

The Department of Physics formed a task force of more than 20 people, including members of the Workers’ Propaganda Team, students and teachers, the team leader Zhang Wanxiang (formerly Jinggangshan Corps), and deputy team leader Zhuang Fengyuan (formerly Xinbei University Commune). At around 9:00 p.m. on February 27, 1971, Yang Zongyou, the instructor of the Propaganda Team (company instructor of Unit 8341), came to my room and said, "You have been here for a week, and we have not touched you. Be careful. In the past, we said that we have 70% of you, but now we can say that we have 100% of you. Open the window and tell the truth, you are '5·16' and the backbone. Should you confess or resist? From now on, we will enter into hand-to-hand combat with you Nie Yuanzi is your unlucky luck. Do you know her position in the 5•16 Group? She doesn’t need to fill in the form, she has the right to approve it. Do you think it won’t be found out if the materials are burned? The form is burned The people are still there. The roster is burned, and the head of the organization is still there!" Then he said: "What you do is not good, it belongs to the bourgeoisie, and we belong to the proletariat. How can the bourgeoisie resist the proletariat? I don't want you to express your opinion now, you should think about it first and go to bed."

This night I went to bed after 11 o'clock, more than two hours earlier than before. I've been sleep deprived for so many days, I fell asleep when I lay down. Liu Wenzhen (a PLA cadet, platoon leader, student-maoist activist) of the task force and another person stayed up all night watching me to see if I tossed and turned. After waking me up at 5 o'clock the next morning, Liu Wenzhen asked me: "How are you thinking?" Fortunately, the two words are over. The school leaders said they want to train you to be a model, and you don't want to give you a chance!"

On March 2, 1971, the propaganda team held a confession meeting in the auditorium of the office building. Niu Huilin came to the stage and confessed that he participated in "5·16": "I participated in 5·16 because of Hong Tao's development. I attacked Comrade Jiang Qing, and I also made anti-military speeches, and fought under the control of Wang, Guan, and Qi." Niu Huilin's key points Propaganda not to engage in offensive and defensive alliances, he said: "It is based on private words and is unreliable. In the past I gave the list to Hong Tao, and now I hand the list to the workers' propaganda team." After the meeting, the task force asked What are my thoughts. I said: "The leader of the opposition faction is 5•16, what can I think?"

One day at the end of March 1971, Yang Zongyou came forward to talk to me again, and he said: "I haven't touched you for a month, so don't think it's all right. Chairman Mao's policy has always been to catch everything in one go. This is what we do these days. You are '5•16', you are not the chief villain, but you are the backbone. No one can escape. You are against the king, Guan, and Qi? Your opposition to the king, Guan, and Qi is a big conspiracy. Peking University is caught by Chairman Mao , It is an advanced model. What is good about it, it is good because it is steady, accurate and ruthless, and it is accurate when you hit it... ". The following is a conversation between me and Yang Zongyou.

Yang: How are you?

Me: "Not in the past, not now, and never."

Yang: "Then someone reported you?"

Me: "Can you confront me?"

Yang: "Confrontation? So where is the policy to protect whistleblowers?"

Me: "No confrontation, I have no other choice."

Yang: "You should think about it carefully, for your personal future and for your family."

Me: "There's nothing to consider."

Yang: "Stop talking?"

Me: "Definitely say no!"

Yang: "Okay, let's see." He slapped the table and left. At that time, I misunderstood "honest attitude, not confronting the masses", and admitted cruelly, "I am the backbone of the Niesun anti-party clique, but I have no conspiracy." Because we are fighting against the 5·16 counter-revolutionary clique , against Wang, Guan, and Qi. Although I admitted the "Nie-Sun Anti-Party Group", in the materials, I have always written the "5•16 Counter-Revolutionary Group" and "Nie-Sun Anti-Party Group" separately, because they are not the same thing at all.

On September 9th, 10th, and 11th, 1971, a department-wide meeting was held to criticize me for three consecutive days. The venue was 101 of Yijiao. The title on the blackboard was "Throughly Criticizing Hu Zong's Counter-Revolutionary Crimes".

It was stipulated in advance that I was not allowed to speak, shout slogans, or raise my hands. They asked me to wait outside the door first, and after shouting slogans, they said: "Bring Hu Zongshi up!" They let me enter through the back door (the door at the top of the lecture theater).

On the 9th, he criticized me for "opposing the Proletarian Command".

The first one spoke in general terms, and the second one criticized me for being "anti-Jiang Qing". I was surprised at the time because the issue was never mentioned. He first talked about how the 5.16 counter-revolutionary group hated Comrade Jiang Qing in general, and mentioned me in one thing: I said on March 8, 1968, Jiang Qing said, "Why do you always catch Wang, Guan, and Qi? Let it go, are there any big ones behind Wang, Guan, and Qi?" The speaker said: "The liar gave Nie Yuanzihei instructions to rebel against Vice Premier Xie, but Hu Zongshi blamed Comrade Jiang Qing." I laughed when I heard this Laughing, turning his head away.

The third speech criticized me for being anti-Prime Minister, saying: "Hu Zongshi colluded with a bad leader of an organization in Hunan to concoct the so-called 007 secret order." He also spread rumors, saying: "Hu Zongshi got this material and said to Nie Yuanzi:' Political swindlers like Liu Shaoqi (referring to Chen Boda) say this material is very important.” When talking about the "memory of the conversation with Xu Weigang", it is said that it is "in the name of investigating the situation against the Prime Minister in society, collecting and sorting out the Prime Minister's black material and reporting it to the black backstage." , The practice of confusing right and wrong is really intolerable. I raised my head and said loudly: "I have never turned against the Prime Minister!" Practitioner Yan Jingkuan ran up and pressed my head with his hand, and I lifted it up three times in total. The host said: "Take Hu Zongshi down!" I raised my head, walked quickly, walked through the crowd, and passed through the aisle. I took a big step, and the two people following me were trotting.

The second meeting held on the 10th criticized me as anti-army and incited the masses to fight against the masses.

The so-called anti-army, in the name of "Nie Yuanzi, Hu Zongshi and his ilk..." put many things on me.

They spread rumors that I was "against the proletarian revolutionaries of the three armed forces. As early as April 1967, they said that 'now the rebels in the army are under pressure'." They also slandered me for "rebelling against the communication soldiers in the telegraph building." When the meeting was adjourned, they summed up the experience of the previous meeting and asked me not to go out through the back door, but through the front door. In this way, I will not pass through the crowd, lest I demonstrate. After I came back, Zhang Wanxiang and Zhuang Fengyuan from the task force came to talk to me. I refuted them and said: "It is said that I said in April 1967 that 'the rebels in the army are under pressure'. I never said such a thing. The Three Armies'. How is it possible to say that I was 'anti-communicator in the telegraph building'? The signal corps supported 'Red Communication' there, and we also supported 'Red Communication' there."

On the 11th, the third meeting to criticize me focused on the anti-Wang, Guan, Qi and February countercurrent issues. Opposing Wang Li, Guan Feng and Wu Chuanqi's group at the grassroots level was a major move by Peking University under the leadership of Nie Yuanzi. At that time, this group was in full swing, and opposing them was very risky. On April 10, 1967, when Nie Yuanzi and Sun Peng arrived at Diaoyutai, they met Jiang Qing and Chen Boda (Qi Benyu was also present), and sued Wang Li and Guan Feng for "forming a party for private interests, recruiting surrender and accepting rebellion". In this interview, Jiang Qing said: "Didn't you say hello long ago? We need to draw a clear political line with Wu Chuanqi." In response to this sentence, the speaker of the meeting said: "Nie Yuanzi made Jiang Qing's rumors." Said: "Your opposition to Wang, Guan, and Qi is to engage in political gambling, relying on a priori theory, and interfering with Chairman Mao's strategic deployment." Since I was not allowed to speak, I could only express my disdain with body language.

On the night of September 13, 1971, in a room in the office building, the school leaders came to talk to me. Participants in this conversation included three school leaders, one member of the school's special case team (they all wore military uniforms, their names were not introduced), and Zhang Wanxiang and Zhuang Fengyuan from the special case team. They asked me what I thought after three conferences. I said: "About the issue of the 007 secret order, the material I got only said that Liu Zhijian had read this material (secret order), and when I saw the material, Liu Zhijian had already fallen, how could I talk about Chen Boda How important is this material? Regarding this material, I stated at the time that 'this is a frame-up against the Prime Minister'."

The school leader said: "You are not against the Prime Minister? But this material was copied from Qi Benyu's office and signed your name. What are you talking about?"

I said: "At that time, I handed it over to the Central Cultural Revolution, not to Qi Benyu. If it was stated that I handed it over to Qi Benyu, then even though it was in April 1967, I was still anti-Prime Minister!" "I took the conversation with Xu Weigang How can this be called anti-premier? Xu Weigang said: "This time, you are on the wrong team at Peking University, and you are on the side of the prime minister." It couldn't be more clear. How can you deduce that We are anti-Prime Minister." I said again: "In mid-May 1967, I went to Zhongnanhai to tell the Prime Minister's liaison officer in the Ministry of Communications, 'We discovered an anti-Prime Minister group in the society, that is, the League of Schools and the Normal University The gang formed by Jinggangshan and others, every time the Prime Minister talked about Yu Qiuli, Li Xiannian, and Chen Yi, they would come out and sing the opposite...'. This reflects our attitude towards the Prime Minister.”

A leader said: "It is counter-revolutionary to say that it is counter-revolutionary. You can't figure it out. Could it be that counter-thanks are revolutionary?" Hearing this, I said, "Then let me tell you one more thing." I talked about the conversation with student Zhou Zhiqiang on July 10. After the talk, someone interrupted: "You said, 'I said that Xie Fuzhi is the general backstage of 5•16.' He said, 'Do you need to say that? Got it.’ Is that so?” I replied, “That’s right. This conversation, I assure you with my head, is a word for word.” They asked me, “What is your purpose in saying this?” I said: "Justify myself." The person in the school task force said: "The head of the school is looking for you today. It is a rare opportunity. You should cherish it and don't make any excuses for yourself." The chief school leader said: "Today you still have to Save you. Your attitude is very bad. It is unusual in Peking University and rare in Beijing. We participated in the three-day conference. We sat in the back and looked at you. I heard that you were arrogant when you were a student. Arrogant, supercilious. But we still have to follow the party's policy to save people who can be saved. You are still very young, only in your 30s, and you can still do something for the people. You have to think about your future and consider Let’s talk about where to go, and whether to draw a clear line with the 5.16 counter-revolutionary group.” I didn’t say a word, and after a pause he said, “We don’t want you to answer right away, think about it after you get back.”

Afterwards, Zhuang Fengyuan asked me to write materials about the conversation with Zhou Zhiqiang, and told me that the materials should only be handed over to him and Zhang Wanxiang.

On the evening of March 30, 1973, I made an inspection to the masses at the department-wide meeting. After my inspection, three members of the public (student Xie Dongsheng and teachers Wei Chongde and Liu Zunxiao) spoke separately, and then Cao Zhipu, the first deputy secretary of the department's general branch, announced the conclusion: "The review of Hu Zongshi is over. Today he made a statement to the masses. Inspection, we think this inspection is still very in-depth, but we have also seen that the understanding has improved. According to the party's policy of giving way, according to the spirit of the central government's instructions, the organization believes that Hu Zongshi was deceived by Nie Yuanzi and made a political mistake No disciplinary action, no records, no written conclusions."

Zhang Wanxiang and Zhuang Fengyuan sent me back to the factory. When I returned to the factory on April 6, 1973, they handed me over to Zhao Nianshu from the factory cadre department. In front of me, they talked about their conclusions to the factory leaders, and said: "How did you treat me before, and how do you still treat me now."

Pan Guang compounded "The Wind and Rain Unknown Lake", and the author Hu Zongshi recalled the narrative of his return to Peking University, which made him close his eyes speechlessly.