Wake up（213）

 

213

 

On the train from the inland to Hong Kong, there are many people standing or sitting. Chai Jianmin observes carefully. There are young people born in the 00s, 90s, 80s and 70s. But he pays more attention to the generations born in the 60s, 50s and 40s. Chai Jianmin believes that the generation before and after the founding of New China has experienced the most hardships. His face was full of tiredness. There is a trace of loneliness in my heart. Time is also a train. Sitting on it, the face will grow old day by day, the heart will no longer be pure as water, the scenery will change, and the people will also change.

On the train, it was pitch black outside the windows. Zhou Jianguo chatted about the past events of the Cultural Revolution, and went on the road with the train. Everyone and everything who had experienced that era filled the track from his mind.

Chai Jianmin looked through the car window, recalling what Zhou Jianguonian said.

Zhou Jianguo said that if the Cultural Revolution was a catastrophe encountered by China, then the investigation of May 16th was the catastrophe among the catastrophes of Jiangsu Province.

Zhou Jianguo said that the truth can only be clarified after Xu Shiyou's lawless, anti-Party and chaotic army, disregarding human life, and doing many evils.

Zhou Jianguo said that at the end of 1973, Xu Shiyou was transferred to the Guangzhou Military Region, and Peng Chong served as the first secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee and the director of the Provincial Revolutionary Committee.

On November 13, 1974, the leaders of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee Wang Hongwen, Ye Jianying, Zhang Chunqiao, Ji Dengkui and others met with the heads of the Nanjing Military Region and Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee.

Ye Jianying said that the Nanjing Military Region's pursuit of mountainism, sectarianism, and independent kingdoms, especially May 16th, is in opposition to the central government. "In the past in your Nanjing Military Region, whoever dared to speak could not be splashed with water, and whoever made an ironic statement would be called May 16."

At this time, Xu Shiyou had been transferred away, and Wu Dasheng and others became scapegoats, and soon fell into a slump.

After the speech of the head of the Central Committee was conveyed in Jiangsu, the representatives of the Zhizuo Army in various places in Jiangsu withdrew their troops. Afterwards, in the campaign to criticize Lin Piao and Confucius, people from all over Jiangsu pointed the spearhead of the struggle at the May 16th Movement and Xu Shiyou, Wu Dasheng and others. For a time, big-character posters in urban and rural areas were overwhelming, and criticism and accusation meetings were held. The volcano erupted. Most of the May 16th elements arrested and imprisoned in Nanjing and other cities and counties have been released from prison one after another.

"Nanjing City Chronicle" records:

On March 13, 1979, the Nanjing Municipal Party Committee announced that there was no 'May 16 Element' in Nanjing, let alone a so-called 'May 16 Counter-Revolutionary Group'. "

According to statistics from the Jiangsu Provincial Policy Implementation Office: During the investigation and investigation of the "May 16" Movement in Jiangsu Province, as many as 260,000 people were labeled as "May 16" counter-revolutionaries in the province More than 130,000 people were examined), and more than 6,000 people were killed or injured (including 2,540 people who were forced to death). According to some people who have participated in the inventory and review work, the actual number of people involved and the number of deaths are at least twice as high. "Military management" personnel at all levels used the "May 16" movement to cleanse all kinds of dissident forces and maintain military dictatorship. What's funny is that Chi Mingtang, who was at Nantah University to dig deep into the "May 16", was also labeled as a "May 16" member after a person from Nantah University who was labeled as a "May 16" counter-reported him.

Jiangsu Province also concocted many group-like unjust, false and wrongly decided cases.

Jiangsu Province created many group-like unjust, false and wrongly decided cases on the grounds of "do not relax the struggle against other counter-revolutionaries" stated in Document No. 20 of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in 1970. Among them, the so-called "Rugao Jiang'an Secret Service Conspiracy Group" dug up in Rugao County, the so-called "Maoshan Secret Service Group" dug up in Jurong County, and the so-called "Xinhua Party" dug up in Baoying County. In these unjust, false and wrongly decided cases, more than a thousand cadres and masses have been implicated. Nanjing City has produced 201 cases of counter-revolutionary groups with 1,614 members in the past few years. Among them, the so-called "East Asian Empire" case unearthed at the Nanjing Carving Factory involved 69 people, accounting for 38% of the total number of people in this small factory. The so-called "Chinese Revival Society" counter-revolutionary group dug up in Hongqi Cement Factory (now Jiangnan Cement Factory) involved 107 people, and 3 people were persecuted to death. What's even more shocking is that some people wrote the "Opinion Letter to Chairman Mao Zedong" because they opposed the "Cultural Revolution" perversely, or they were insane because they were forced to confess for a long time during the investigation of "May 16". Those who disrespect the leaders will be designated as "current counter-revolutionaries" and sentenced to death, including Lu Lanxiu, who was shot dead for criticizing the "Cultural Revolution" and modern superstition, and Li Xiangzhi, deputy head of the Nanjing Song and Dance Troupe.

During the Cultural Revolution, Xu Shiyou devolved a large number of urban residents.

During the "Team Purge" campaign in 1969, nearly one million people in Jiangsu Province were censored and persecuted for so-called "traitors, spies, and current counter-revolutionaries." In 1970, at least 80,000 people across the province suffered the same fate.

In 1970, the People's Daily published an editorial saying, "We also have two hands, so we don't want to be idle in the city," and called for learning from the experience of Huining, Gansu. Jiangsu Province immediately forced a large number of urban residents to be sent to the countryside. From 1969 to 1970, the "military control" authorities in Jiangsu sent 350,000 urban residents to rural areas in northern Jiangsu, including 130,000 in Nanjing. The decentralization policy has caused many social problems. After the decentralization, they are not used to the poor rural life, and the rural villages that have problems with their own food and clothing have the ability to accommodate so many urban residents, so their life is very difficult. Until 1976, a large number of deported residents returned to the city, but they were homeless, suffering from hunger and cold, and set up shacks everywhere, and some lived by begging. Until the 1980s, there were still many residents living in the holes dug on the city wall, which became a special scenery of Nanjing.

Zhou Jianguo said that Jiangsu Province's investigation into the May 16 incident had a far-reaching impact. On May 29, 1975, Deng Xiaoping delivered a speech at a symposium on the iron and steel industry. He also said: "Judging from the experience of solving the railway problem and the Xuzhou problem, the implementation of the policy is a very important issue. In the investigation of the 'May 16', more than 6,000 people were involved in Xuzhou City, which is a very scary number. With so many people involved, if we don’t implement policies for them, can the enthusiasm of the masses be mobilized?”

The situation in Jiangsu turned around before the end of the Cultural Revolution. One of the reasons was Mao Zedong’s decision to switch the commanders of the eight major military regions. The second was that Xu Shiyou not only arrested the rebels and ordinary people on May 16th, but also persecuted many cadres, including high-level cadres. There are always people in the DPRK and China speaking out for these cadres. If only the rebels and ordinary people were persecuted, the result would be much more tragic.

Take the language of the Cultural Revolution as an example: Xu Shiyou is infinitely loyal to Mao Zedong, blindly loyal, and stupidly loyal. However, now is not the period of the Cultural Revolution, and it is no longer possible to judge right from wrong based on whether one is loyal to Lao Mao. Tens of millions of people and cadres in Jiangsu Province who were falsely accused of "May 16", including some senior cadres, and more ordinary urban residents who were driven out, their tragic experiences are all placed on the balance of history, compared with "loyalty to Mao", Which is more important?