Wake up（175）

 

175

 

Why is the source of using the name "Shanghai People's Commune" not in Shanghai, but in Beijing? Pan Guangfu told the elderly Li Tiandao, Chai Jianmin, and He Jiafu that when I talked about "February 3" just now, I said, "Please pay attention to this day." Why? In my opinion, this date clearly demonstrates the "courage" and "urgency" of Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan at that time on the issue of the "Shanghai People's Commune", saying that they "called you urgently" and "discussed the establishment of the Shanghai People's Commune." "big event" and so on) are based entirely on information from Beijing.

The facts are: On January 29, 1967, Chen Boda sent the editorial "On the Power Seizure Struggle of the Proletarian Revolutionaries" written by Wang Li and Guan Feng for the "Red Flag" magazine to Mao Zedong for review.

On January 30, Mao Zedong made the following remarks:

 

Comrade Lin Biao:

I read this document and thought it was very good, and made some revisions. Please read it and return it to Comrade Chen Boda.

Mao Zedong

January 30

 

Chen Boda received Mao Zedong's comments and told Zhang Chunqiao the content of the editorial, and said: Chairman Mao is considering establishing a list of Beijing People's Commune. Moreover, although the third issue of "Red Flag" magazine was published on February 3, this editorial was reprinted ahead of schedule by "People's Daily" on January 31. Before February 3, Zhang Chunqiao not only heard about the content of this editorial on the phone from Chen Boda, but also undoubtedly saw it in the People's Daily.

The editorial "On the Struggle to Seize Power of the Proletarian Revolutionary Faction" contains a few passages on the issue of the commune as follows:

 

Some rotten units that have been entrenched for a long time by a small group of people in power taking the capitalist road in the party are not practicing the dictatorship of the proletariat, but the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. The struggle for power in these units must implement the Marxist principle of smashing the old state machinery.

The great mass movement to seize power from a handful of capitalist establishments within the party has begun to create and will continue to create new organizational forms of the state apparatus of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Here, we must respect the pioneering spirit of the masses and boldly adopt new things emerging from the mass movement to replace all old things that do not adapt to the socialist economic foundation. It must not just take over the power, keep the old rules, and follow the old rules.

On June 1 last year, Chairman Mao referred to Peking University's first national Marxist-Leninist poster as the Declaration of the Beijing People's Commune in the 1960s. At this time, Chairman Mao wisely and geniusly foresaw that our state institutions would take on a new form.

 

Pan Guangfu continued to Li Tiandao, Chai Jianmin, and He Jiafu several old people, Wang Li, member of the Central Cultural Revolution Group, head of the Central Propaganda Group, and one of the authors of the third editorial of "Red Flag" magazine, on January 31, 1967 (that is, " People's Daily reprinted this editorial ahead of schedule), when talking about the issue of "communes" with the editorial staff of People's Daily, they said: Now is the time to raise this issue...Three parties negotiated to establish a temporary power organization. This is a temporary government, and it is a transition. After the transition, the Beijing People's Commune and the Shanghai People's Commune will be established in the style of the Paris Commune.

This was the state of Beijing's opinions and propaganda on the issue of "communes" at that time. Zhang Chunqiao acted according to the editorial of the "Red Flag" magazine, and according to the views expressed by Chen Boda, a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee and head of the Central Cultural Revolution Group. Why is it called "cutting first and playing later"?

The "Shanghai People's Commune" was abolished, and the "new" regime in Shanghai was renamed the "Shanghai Revolutionary Committee"

After the "Shanghai People's Commune" was established, it immediately encountered troubles that no one could imagine. Xu Jingxian, the front-stage commander who seized power in Shanghai, later Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, Deputy Director of the Shanghai Revolutionary Committee, and member of the Ninth and Tenth Central Committee, recalled the situation at that time and said:

The next day (February 6, 1967), we members of the Shanghai People's Commune Provisional Committee entered the Bund Building to work. However, I waited and waited for three or four days, but I did not see a telegram from the Xinhua Headquarters, nor did I see a report on the establishment of the "Shanghai People's Commune" in the "People's Daily". Only the local newspapers in Shanghai, "Jiefang Daily" and "Wen Wei Po" Waiting for the hype every day.

As a result, there were more rumors in the society: "Because Shanghai did not implement the 'three combinations', the central government did not approve it." "Chairman Mao did not agree with Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan as the leaders of the Shanghai People's Commune, so no news was released."...

Of course Xu Jingxian knew in his heart that it wasn't these reasons, but Xu Jingxian couldn't figure out what the reason was. Xu Jingxian said to Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan: "After the Heilongjiang Province seized power, the Red Rebel Revolutionary Committee was established. The "People's Daily" quickly published the news, with a congratulatory editorial, and the Xinhua Headquarters forwarded it to the national newspapers. Why did Shanghai Didn’t they release the news about the founding of the People’s Commune?” Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan didn’t answer Xu Jingxian.

A few days later, big-character posters such as "Ask the Shanghai People's Commune" and "Second Ask the Shanghai People's Commune" appeared on the streets of Shanghai. Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan couldn't sit still; on February 11, Zhang Chunqiao found Xu Jingxian alone. He went to the Xingguo Road Guest House and told Xu Jingxian that he would go to Beijing with Yao Wenyuan tomorrow to report to the central government about Shanghai's seizure of power and the establishment of a new power organization. Zhang Chunqiao repeatedly urged: You are the only one who knows about this action, and you must not spread it to the outside world, so as not to cause unnecessary speculation in Shanghai; if there is any situation in Shanghai, you can call Beijing to tell us at any time.

Xu Jingxian's memory is very vivid and specific. What is the problem? what is going on? No one can tell, the way is unknown. In fact, this is a change in Mao Zedong's attitude and views on the establishment of communes. This change can be seen from the statements made by some central leaders and members of the Cultural Revolution Group on this issue, that is, the issue of "communes".

On February 1, 1967, when Qi Benyu received the "Politics and Law Commune" of the Beijing Institute of Political Science and Law, the "Dongfanghong" of the Beijing Institute of Mining and Technology, and the officials of the Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau, he said: Recently, he is considering the establishment of a joint organization "Beijing People's Commune". The central government has this intention , to be prepared and to be elected according to the principles of the Paris Commune. Now the Central Cultural Revolution is being discussed, with Vice Premier Xie Fuzhi in charge. But 12 days later, that is, on February 13, Qi Benyu called Nie Yuanzi and Kuai Dafu and said: I hope you can discuss whether the Great United Organization should use the name of the Beijing Commune.

On February 10, Xie Fuzhi had a discussion with the Sansi and other mass organizations and said: All the rebels should establish a transitional unified organization... A people's commune was established in Shanghai, and the "People's Daily" did not publish it, and Beijing may not be called commune.

Also on February 10, Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan from Shanghai still said to mass organizations such as the "Dongfang Red Corps" of Tongji University: Beijing is called "Beijing People's Commune", and we in Shanghai are also called "Shanghai People's Commune." There is a saying in "People's Daily", I don't know if you pay attention to it! On June 1 last year, Chairman Mao called the first Marxist-Leninist poster at Peking University the Declaration of the Beijing Commune in the 1960s. At this time, Chairman Mao wisely and geniusly foresaw that our state institutions would take on a new form.

On February 11, at the meeting of the Politburo hosted by Zhou Enlai, Ye Jianying asked: "Shanghai seized power and changed its name to the Shanghai Commune. Such a big issue involves the national system. Changing the name without discussion by the Politburo is another attempt to change the name." What are you doing?" Ye Jianying asked Chen Boda again: "We don't read books, we don't read newspapers, and we don't know what the principles of the Paris Commune are. Please explain, what are the principles of the Paris Commune."

Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan arrived in Beijing on February 12, and within a week (12-18), Chairman Mao met them three times. Regarding the main content of the "Commune" issue, Zhang Chunqiao conveyed it at the mass meeting in Shanghai as follows:

Chairman Mao said: Have you considered a series of issues since the founding of the People's Commune? If communes are established across the country, should the People's Republic of China change its name? If you change it, change it to the People's Commune of China. Will people recognize you? The Soviet Union may not recognize you, but Britain and France may recognize you. What about the ambassadors stationed in various countries after the change? Have you considered a series of questions? Now many places have applied to the central government to establish people's communes, and the central government has official documents, except for the Shanghai people's communes, other places are not allowed to set up people's communes. The chairman suggested: Shanghai should change it, change it to a revolutionary committee, or change it to a municipal party committee or a municipal people's committee.

This is Mao Zedong's new attitude and new view on the issue of communes.

Pan Guangfu continued to talk to Li Tiandao, Chai Jianmin, and He Jiafu about the establishment of the "Shanghai People's Commune", why Xinhua News Agency did not publish news, and why "People's Daily" did not report, this is also the reason. On February 19, 1967, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued the "Notice on Propaganda and Reporting of the Struggle to Seize Power", which clearly stated:

(1) What is the name of the power organization that leads the struggle to seize power in each province, city, and autonomous region? Is it true that the three combinations (that is, the person in charge of the revolutionary mass organization that truly represents the masses, the representatives of the local garrison of the People's Liberation Army, and the truly representative revolutionary leading cadres of the party and government organs)? In the future, it will be reported to the central government first, and after approval by the central government, it will be published in local newspapers.

(2) The political organization form of provinces, municipalities, autonomous regions and cities generally do not use the name of people's communes, unless otherwise instructed by the Shanghai Central Committee.

On February 23, 1967, the Shanghai Municipal Revolutionary Committee passed the "Decision on Renaming the Temporary Committee of the Shanghai People's Commune to the Shanghai Municipal Revolutionary Committee", stating:

According to the instructions in the “Notice of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Propaganda and Reporting Issues in the Power Seizure Struggle,” the Provisional Committee of the Shanghai People’s Commune discussed the issue of the name of the interim supreme authority in Shanghai. We deeply feel that this instruction fully embodies the central government's greatest concern for the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in Shanghai and the greatest love for the revolutionary spirit of the Shanghai people. We resolutely supported the correct instructions of the Central Committee and unanimously approved the renaming of the Provisional Committee of the Shanghai People's Commune as the Shanghai Revolutionary Committee.

At this time, the name of "Shanghai People's Commune" was abolished. The "Shanghai People's Commune", which was hailed as "long live" when it was established on February 5, came to an end after only 18 days of existence. The Shanghai Revolutionary Committee became the organizational form of the new regime in Shanghai.

In the book "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte", Marx said such a passage at the beginning:

Hegel said somewhere that all great world-historical events and characters appear twice, but he forgot to add that the first time appears as a tragedy, and the second time as a farce.

Pan Guangfu sighed: It is not difficult for us to see and believe that the principles and spirit of the Paris Commune that were repeatedly promoted during the "Cultural Revolution" are also such a vivid and inexplicable caricature.