Wake up（168）

 

168

 

When Pan Guangfu, Chai Jianmin, He Jiafu and Li Tiandao talked about the first big-character poster of Peking University, they said: Mao Zedong launched the "Cultural Revolution" in 1966, the original political order was impacted, and "the world was in chaos." A group of previously unknown figures suddenly stepped onto the forefront of the political arena, and the leader among them was Nie Yuanzi, Secretary of the General Branch of the Department of Philosophy at Peking University. She and six other colleagues jointly posted a big-character poster in the school on May 25, "What did Song Shuo, Lu Ping, and Peng Peiyun do during the Cultural Revolution". This article attracted Mao Zedong's attention, and he decided to broadcast it publicly to the whole country on June 1, and praised it as "the first big-character poster of Marxism-Leninism in the country."

As a result, Nie Yuanzi served as the director of the Cultural Revolution Committee of Peking University, the core group leader of the Red Congress of the Capital Universities, the deputy director of the Beijing Municipal Revolutionary Committee, and an alternate member of the Ninth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. Kuai Dafu, a student of Tsinghua University, Han Aijing, a student of Beijing Institute of Aeronautics, Tan Houlan, a student of Beijing Normal University, and Wang Dabin, a student of Beijing Institute of Geology, were hit and suppressed to varying degrees for criticizing the working group at the beginning of the "Cultural Revolution"; Mao Zedong decided to abolish the working group and criticize Liu Shaoqi Later, they were able to stand up and became the heads of the "Jinggangshan" of Tsinghua University, the "Red Flag" of Beihang University, the "Jinggangshan" of Beijing Normal University, and the "Dongfanghong" of the Diyuan Institute. In 1967, they respectively served as the directors of the revolutionary committees of these four universities. , the deputy leader of the core group of the Red Congress of the Capital Universities and a member of the Standing Committee of the Beijing Municipal Revolutionary Committee.

At the beginning of 1967, Mao Zedong called them the "Five Great Leaders".

Nie Yuanzi, Kuai Dafu, Han Aijing, Tan Houlan, and Wang Dabin, who were once known as the "Five Leaders of the Red Guards in Capital Universities", although they were well-known in the early days of the "Cultural Revolution", they were active in the political arena for a short time.

On July 28, 1968, Mao Zedong and other central leaders summoned these five people in the Great Hall of the People and called them the "Five Great Leaders" in person. However, this summoning means that they have to withdraw from the front desk of history.

In January 2005, Nie Yuanzi, who was a party to the "National First Marxist-Leninist Big-Character Poster" and was demonized as a "mad woman in troubled times" and a "disastrous star", published "Nie Yuanzi's Memoirs" in Hong Kong with nearly 400,000 words. She candidly disclosed her life of ups and downs, ups and downs and hardships in the past few decades. Nie Yuanzi said in his memoirs: After the publication of this book, it produced social repercussions that I did not expect. Not only did it sell well in Hong Kong, but there were also pirated copies of this book on street stalls in China. In popular words, the past is not as good as smoke. Decades have passed, but people still cannot forget and continue to explore how the ten years of turmoil happened? What is even more unexpected is that not only many researchers who are interested in the Cultural Revolution found me with this book, but also many old friends who have long forgotten in the world, and even those who opposed me in the past , also contacted one after another. Old and new friends get together, the scars of the past are repeatedly uncovered, and the truth of history gradually emerges. As a result, the ins and outs of some major events become more and more clear. Faced with so many feedbacks, coupled with many mistakes and omissions in the first edition of the book, I came up with the idea of revising and supplementing the memoir. Although I am sick and old, this is the most important and last thing I want to do in my lifetime. Some people have said that history is always written by the victors and those in power. In China, the paradox of history lies in that the more you try to eliminate false history and restore authentic history, the more secretive and stubborn the people in power will be. Take the Cultural Revolution, which brought grave disasters to the Chinese nation, who should bear the sins of history? Is it the fault of Mao Zedong, who is known as the "five-fingered" thumb, the initiator? Is it the fault of Lin Biao and the Gang of Four? Or is it the fault of us "five leaders" who have been sentenced and imprisoned for more than ten years? Taking the big-character poster of "How good it is" as an example, it came out at the right time and produced a maddening effect, which is by no means covered by the simple word "rebellion". There are not only the normal reaction of an old party member to the Central Committee's "May 16 Notice", but also the crux of the grievances caused by bureaucracy and sectarianism in the previous campaigns at Peking University. Who would have known that a person regarded by the whole country as "the number one rebel" was called by Jiang Qing just two years later as "Nie Yuanzi is too proud to listen to anyone, and told her to oppose the right and the left" And was expelled from China's political arena. Nie Yuanzi said in his memoirs: In my 17-year-imprisonment verdict, it clearly stated: "This court confirms that the defendant, Nie Yuanzi, actively followed the Lin Biao and Jiang Qing counter-revolutionary cliques in the early days of the 'Cultural Revolution' and participated in overthrowing the people's The conspiracy activities of the democratic dictatorship.” Ten years of the Cultural Revolution, the political situation was changing rapidly, and the personnel affairs were vicissitudes of life. After that, I spent the next eight years in prison without personal freedom. If you have normal historical thinking, I would like to ask: In the early days of the Cultural Revolution, did the two counter-revolutionary cliques Lin Biao and Jiang Qing form? If it hadn't been formed, what kind of "group" was I following? Why does the verdict have to bind me tightly with these two later groups? Here, we might as well talk about a past event: In the early days of the Cultural Revolution, someone posted a couplet in the Department of History of Peking University: "The little demon in the temple is very windy, and the pool is shallow and the king is more than eight", which was reported to Mao Zedong by Li Na, who supervised the Cultural Revolution of Peking University at that time. Mao Zedong said: "What is the king of the shallow pool, it is obviously the king of the deep pool!" This sentence was conveyed to me by Li Na, and it was also announced in the school. According to the specifications at the time, it should be announced with gongs and drums, and a green field in red. "Supreme instruction" is correct, but I risked the world's displeasure by disposing of this sentence. There is also a historical case in the judgment, which reads: "On November 15, 1966, Jiang Qing sent people to secretly take the defendant Nie Yuanzi to the "Central Cultural Revolution" reporter station in Huayuan Village. Jiang Qing, Chen Boda, Yao Wenyuan, Wang Li, Guan Feng, Qi Benyu and others conspired to send Nie Yuanzi to Shanghai to 'rebel'." When I was interrogating me, I asked Jiang Qing to testify in court or to ask the court to show evidence of collusion with Jiang Qing, but they refused Jiang Qing to testify in court. There is no supporting evidence. It can be said that there is no relevant information that can prove that Jiang Qing ordered me to rebel in Shanghai. Now, I have found the most powerful piece of evidence from the "Reflections on Wang Li" published in Hong Kong, proving that the person who sent me to Shanghai was not Jiang Qing at all, but our great leader Mao Zedong.

Wang Li, who was the director of the Central Cultural Revolution Office at the time, recounted this incident in detail in his memories: "Mao Zedong's idea of the Cultural Revolution was to unite the mass organizations, students, workers, and government officials and rebels in Beijing. Through Nie Yuanzi Waiting for people to join forces in Shanghai to connect Beijing and Shanghai. The chairman's idea is to organize a team to go to Shanghai. At first he thought that Li Na (Xiao Li) would go, Nie Yuanzi would go, and Ruan Ming would also go, and build a relatively large team. Nie Yuanzi lived in the Central Cultural Revolution, and asked her to be in charge of preparing the team. Li Na approached me, and I introduced her to Nie Yuanzi. Jiang Qing said whether Li Na would go or not, Chairman Mao was considering it, because she was carrying out the instructions of the Cultural Revolution in the countryside. Later, Jiang Qing conveyed Chairman Mao instructed that Li Na would not go, nor would Ruan Ming, the team should not be so large, and Nie Yuanzi should not represent the Beijing Red Guard organization, but only represent herself and the Peking University mass organization, and go to Shanghai in the name of the Peking University mass organization... When I talked to Nie Yuanzi, I repeatedly told these few items, saying that it was the decision of Chairman Mao and the Central Cultural Revolution." Nie Yuanzi recalled: There is another topic related to our chief designer. Deng Xiaoping once said that whenever he sees my son, he thinks of Nie Yuanzi. Therefore, this also determines that the case of Nie Yuanzi will not be appealed, and witnesses will not be allowed to appear in court. These political judgments violate the law. Is Deng Pufang's disability related to me? Let’s take a look at the narration of Deng Xiaoping’s daughter Mao Mao’s book "My Father Deng Xiaoping’s 'Cultural Revolution' Years": "A day at the end of August is a day that we will never forget. When Pai was not paying attention, he jumped off the building as a final protest." On August 19, 1968, the labor and military propaganda teams entered Peking University. Since then, all powers of Peking University, especially the power to lead the Cultural Revolution, have been exercised by the propaganda team. What is the relationship between me at this time and Deng Pufang's jumping off the building? Even more ridiculous, the verdict found: "On April 7, 1968, under the instigation of the defendant Nie Yuanzi, an unjust case of a 'counter-revolutionary clique' was created in the school, resulting in many injuries, including Deng Pufang who was paralyzed and permanently disabled." It was forced to advance the time of this incident by nearly five months. What is "government by man" and what is "there is nothing to say when you want to commit a crime", here is a glimpse. The current Mr. Deng Pufang, who is already the vice chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, is a national leader. He should know best in his heart, who forced him to jump off the building? In addition to that crazy era and abnormal system, it should also include his father, Deng Xiaoping himself, who, as the general secretary of the party, participated in the formulation of the "May 16th" notice of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to launch the Cultural Revolution. There are rebellions and power seizures; there are also resisting rebellions and stopping violence. Unexpectedly, after the end of the Cultural Revolution, I had hoped to clear up the false accusations against me, but the tone changed and escalated. Decades have passed, and as a former labor camp parolee, Peking University cannot place me in accordance with national laws, regulations and policies. Now I am still a social homeless person, and my household registration is temporarily stored in the Beijing Yuetan Police Station. I am eating relief meals from the Civil Affairs Bureau and living in the relief housing of the Civil Affairs Bureau. On the days commemorating the 60th anniversary of the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, even the officers, soldiers and soldiers of the Kuomintang were issued commemorative medals, but I, a veteran cadre who participated in the revolution under artillery fire in July 1937 and was born and died, was forgotten. . It can really be described as "the crown is all over the capital, and the people are alone and haggard". Think about my life, "following every step", but following such a bleak ending. In this situation, what can the husband say? Nie Yuanzi recalled: Ten years of the Cultural Revolution was equivalent to ten years of turmoil and ten years of nightmares. But the initiator is still a "wise leader" admired by all; the party is still a "great, glorious and correct" party; They even used the Cultural Revolution method to harm others; some rebel leaders, such as Ji Xianlin, even became famous "masters of Chinese studies" and "models of morality." The crimes of a country and a party are easily counted on a few people and the Red Guards by using the political "scapegoat" trial method. Is this a kind of historical memory deliberately created by the government? How far is this history from being objective and fair? Isn't it said every day that we must respect history and restore history? I believe that history itself, especially the history of the Cultural Revolution experienced by hundreds of millions of people, should not be a lamb at the mercy of others, let alone, as Hegel said, "pour out the bath water and throw out the children." . I have experienced too much in the vortex of the Cultural Revolution, let the facts speak for themselves! Pan Guangfu said: Nie Yuanzi's "I'm in the Vortex of the Cultural Revolution" was written in April 2008 and published by Hong Kong China Cultural Revolution History Publishing House in 2017.

Pan Guangfu suggested that Chai Jianmin, He Jiafu and Li Tiandao could read Nie Yuanzi's memoirs.

Li Tiandao said with a smile, I have no interest in the first big-character poster of Peking University, and I don't believe what Nie Yuanzi said, she is definitely not a good person.

Chai Jianmin said: This woman is a female devil who has brought disaster to the country and the people. She wants to set up a torii after being a bitch, can she clear herself up?

He Jiafu sighed and said: Good things are rewarded with good things, and evil things are rewarded with bad things, it's all God's will. This was the case for Nie Yuanzi who was involved in the whirlpool of the Cultural Revolution, and it was also the case for Liu Shaoqi and Lin Biao who were in high positions.