Wake up（341）

 

341

 

Liu Xiaosheng also talked about the contradictions and differences between Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping to Lao Pantou and those young people.

It is impossible for any like-minded politicians in ancient and modern China and abroad to have no disagreements at all. The problem lies in the nature of the differences and the attitude towards them. Although both Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun advocated reform and opening up, they also had differences of one kind or another on some issues. Not acknowledging differences is not materialism; exaggerating such differences, and even depicting their relationship as a power struggle, is even more contrary to historical reality. The actual situation is that in the early stage of reform and opening up, when they had differences, either one side gave up their views, or they sought common ground while reserving minor differences. No matter what the situation is, they regard maintaining the unity of the party and the great cause of reform and opening up as the highest principle.

Poverty was one of the problems left by Mao Zedong. This resulted in "centering on economic construction". The effective way to develop the economy is reform and opening up, that is, economic liberalization. However, once the engine of economic liberalization starts, the demand for political democratization will be put on the agenda. On the one hand, the Chinese cannot just want economic freedom without political democracy; on the other hand, from the logic of the economic freedom movement: without political democracy, economic freedom cannot go on. Therefore, the deeper the economic reform is, the stronger the demands of the market economy itself will be on political democracy. Therefore, both the liberal democrats and the reformists within the party believe that it is urgent to solve the problem of political dictatorship. This is another problem left by Mao Zedong.

As far as the highest level of the Chinese Communist Party is concerned. Neither Chen Yun's front nor Deng Xiaoping's front wanted to carry out thorough political reforms. Although Deng Xiaoping talked about political reform many times, his political reform was within the framework of the "Four Cardinal Principles". The reason for this is that the trump card of thorough political reform is to change the one-party dictatorship, which will inevitably hurt the leading position of the Chinese Communist Party.

Deng Xiaoping always believed that in the period of socialism, except for the outbreak of large-scale wars, the whole party and the people should take modernization construction as the central task. Therefore, after his third comeback, he attached great importance to taking advantage of the favorable international conditions at that time, and requested to speed up the introduction of equipment and technology from abroad. Before the State Council retreat in 1978, he had a talk with Gu Mu, listened to the report of his visit to European countries, and emphasized that he must "make up his mind to borrow some money from foreign countries for construction, and hurry up."

However, when Chen Yun later proposed that the current economic imbalance is serious, it is necessary to adjust the proportions of all aspects first, and then accelerate development; we should not only consider the introduction of projects from abroad, but also consider the domestic ability to provide supporting funds; external debt should be analyzed, There are very few truly free foreign exchanges; the international market is now a buyer's market, and as long as international relations do not change significantly, this favorable condition will not be lost. Deng Xiaoping partly gave up his views. He said: "I agree with Comrade Chen Yun's analysis. There are two kinds of foreign capital, one is called free foreign exchange, and the other is called equipment loan. No matter which one, we have to take advantage of it, because this opportunity is too rare, and this condition is not too pity. "The problem is how to make good use of it, how to make each project effective quickly, including solving the problem of solvency. The use of foreign capital is a big policy, and I think it should be persisted." "We introduce every project It must be solvent. You can do two things first. Comrade Chen Yun’s opinion is to study one project at a time. I agree with this opinion, and it should be studied in this way.”

It is not difficult to see from these words that although he reserved some of his views on this issue, he agreed with Chen Yun on the whole.

Similarly, when Chen Yun disagreed with Deng Xiaoping, he often expressed his agreement with Deng Xiaoping, at least he no longer publicly insisted on his own views.

For example, on the issue of special economic zones. Chen Yun once said at the symposium of the first secretaries of the provincial, municipal and autonomous region party committees in 1981: "The four cities of Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Shantou and Xiamen in the two provinces of Guangdong and Fujian are trying to set up special economic zones in some areas (Guangdong is not a special zone for the whole province. , Fujian is not a province-wide special zone), there can only be these few now, and cannot increase. Of course, processing with supplied materials and joint ventures are also being done in many places now, but no more special zones can be added.... A province like Jiangsu cannot Engage in a special zone."

During the Spring Festival of 1982, he had a discussion with several officials in charge of the State Planning Commission at the time, emphasizing again: "Now that special economic zones are established, all provinces want to do so, and they all want to open their mouths. If so, foreign capitalists and domestic speculators will all come out, and it will be a waste to engage in large-scale speculation. So we can’t do that. The first issue of the SAR is to sum up experience.”

However, when Deng Xiaoping said to several central officials in early 1984: "When we establish special economic zones and implement an open policy, we must have a clear guiding ideology, which is not to close, but to open"; "In addition to the current special zones, we can Consider opening up a few more port cities, such as Dalian and Qingdao. These places are not called Special Zones, but they can implement certain policies of Special Zones,” and ask them to report to Chen Yun. After hearing this, Chen Yun clearly expressed his agreement with Deng Xiaoping's opinion. Then, the Secretariat of the Central Committee and the State Council held a meeting. According to the spirit of Deng Xiaoping's speech, they proposed to open 14 coastal port cities such as Tianjin and Shanghai, and formed the "Summary of the Symposium on Some Coastal Cities". Gu Mu reported to Chen Yun who was recuperating in Hangzhou. Chen Yun made it clear again that he agreed to open up 14 coastal cities, and also pointed out that: there are no "historic" products in the Special Economic Zone, and it is difficult to make "historic" products there; foreign-funded enterprises must have a certain proportion of their products sold domestically, but they have a promising future. The domestic industry should be protected; the special zone should not develop its own currency, if it must be developed, the right to issue must be concentrated in the central government. Obviously, Chen Yun generally moved closer to Deng Xiaoping's views on this matter, but he also retained some of his own views.

Another example is the issue of party members hiring workers. In the early days of reform and opening up, there were disputes of different opinions within the party on the issue of the employment of private individuals. Regarding this issue, Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun had both similarities and differences in their opinions. The same thing is that they all advocate waiting for a few years; the difference is that there is a certain difference in the emphasis on the issue of party members and workers. At the end of 1982, at the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Chen Yun expressed his opinion on the issue of rural employment quotas. He pointed out: "In the past, the State Council stipulated that there should be no more than seven, but now it is actually a little more. Whether there is a limit or not, a few is appropriate. We still have to take a look. But for this kind of issue, the newspapers should not publicize it with great fanfare....It will be safer to talk about it after a period of time." But at the end of 1983, he circulated "Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on Rural Work in 1984" to the Standing Committee of the Central Committee. When the draft was submitted for review, I saw that there was a regulation allowing Communist Party members to hire workers. I felt inappropriate, and immediately commented: "The employment policy can be seen for a few more years. Even if there is a problem, it is not terrible." But "for party members to hire workers Be cautious. There are different opinions within the party, and the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection also has an opinion ready to report to the Secretariat. Therefore, whether this document should not be stipulated first will be discussed by the Secretariat. This is a matter of principle that needs to be fully discussed. The report on the party constitution states: "A party member must be a person who is engaged in labor and does not exploit the labor of others." Although the current situation has greatly developed compared with that time, the basic requirements for party members should still be adhered to. Looking at the pros and cons of this issue, we must not only Look at it now, and look at it in a few years' time." To be on the safe side, he deliberately sent this instruction to Deng Xiaoping first, and then to the Secretariat of the Central Committee. After Deng Xiaoping read it, he instructed "the Secretariat of the Central Committee will discuss it again."

According to Chen Yun's opinion, when the document was issued, the regulations on allowing party members to hire workers were deleted, and it was clearly required to strengthen the management of rural hired workers and conduct careful research so that specific policy regulations can be formulated when the conditions are ripe. Later, the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China rejected the regulations that party members are not allowed to hire workers in the "Several Provisions on Strengthening Party Discipline" formulated by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. Only through investigation and research can we make reasonable regulations on the employment of party members.

Deng Xiaoping also expressed two opinions on the employment issue: first, "Looking at it for two or three years, it's not a big deal. In the future, with economic development, if there are deviations, you can take it back with one order." Second, "We are engaged in social work. If we want to encourage party members to engage in cooperative production, we will ultimately engage in socialism.”

At the end of 1985, someone said in a conversation that when rural party members and cadres develop the economy, some lead the masses to get rich together, some take the lead to get rich personally, and some rely on privileges to seek personal wealth. Lots of loans. After listening to Deng Xiaoping, he said that the third situation should be controlled, and progressive taxes can be collected; he pointed out again: "Employees, I say it is necessary to wait two to three years." Avoided, now we have to consider how to put it into orbit. This opinion is right.”

At the beginning of 1987, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China proposed the concept of "private enterprises" in addition to self-employed persons, and made it clear that the number of employees employed by private enterprises could exceed the limit for self-employed persons. Since then, Chen Yun has not expressed any opinions on this issue.

Another example is the relationship between planning and the market. Chen Yun's consistent view is to give priority to the planned economy and supplement it with market regulation. Although later he agreed that the planned economy is not the same as the command plan, and the guiding plan is also a specific form of the planned economy. The guiding plan is mainly realized by the role of economic levers, but he still insists that "in the reform, The article of planned and proportional economic development cannot be discarded.” However, Deng Xiaoping agreed with Chen Yun on this issue at the beginning, and later his thinking developed greatly. In 1989, when he met with cadres above the martial law force in the capital, he said: "We must continue to adhere to the combination of planned economy and market regulation. This cannot be changed. In actual work, during the adjustment period, we can strengthen or be more planning. A little more market regulation at a time to make it more flexible."

  In 1990, he pointed out in a conversation with several leaders of the central government: "We must understand theoretically that the difference between capitalism and socialism does not lie in the issue of planning or market. Socialism also has a market economy, and capitalism also has planned control. ...Don’t think that building a market economy is the road of capitalism, there’s nothing like that.”

When he inspected Shanghai in 1991, he said: "Don't think that when you say that the planned economy is socialism, and when you say that the market economy is capitalism, that's not the case. Both are means, and the market can also serve socialism."

It was not until the spring of 1992 that he stated more clearly in his "Southern Talks": "A little more planning or a little more market is not the essential difference between socialism and capitalism. A planned economy is not equal to socialism, and capitalism also has planning; a market economy does not Equal to capitalism, socialism also has a market.”

According to Deng Xiaoping's opinion, the 14th National Congress of the Communist Party of China decided to establish a socialist market economic system as the target model of economic system reform, and at the same time pointed out that this system "is to make the market play a fundamental role in the allocation of resources under the macro-control of socialist countries." role", "the state must strengthen and improve the macro-control of the economy", "state planning is one of the important means of macro-control".

During this period, there was a discussion in the society that "Deng and Chen are not in harmony". To this, Chen Yun did not answer directly, but clarified it in a roundabout way.

In June 1992, when Li Xiannian passed away, Deng Xiaoping suggested that Chen Yun write a memorial article. Chen Yun took advantage of this opportunity to write his views on special economic zones in his article. He wrote: "Comrade Xiannian and I have never been to the special zone, but we have always paid attention to the construction of the special zone. We believe that if the special zone is to be established, we must constantly sum up experience and strive to make the special zone run well. In recent years, the economy of the Shenzhen special zone has taken a preliminary stage. From import-oriented to export-oriented, high-rise buildings have sprung up, and the development is indeed very fast.” Then, he extended his views on some new things in economic construction, saying: “The scale of our country’s economic construction is now relatively large. In the past, it was much bigger and more complicated, and some practices that worked well in the past are no longer applicable in the new situation of reform and opening up. This requires us to study new things hard, and constantly explore and solve new problems. "

The article, published publicly in major Chinese newspapers, served to dampen speculation about his relationship with Deng Xiaoping.