Wake up（325）

 

325

 

Nan Yangsheng once persuaded his younger sister Nan Liwa to move to Hong Kong, but Nan Liwa declined. Because she needs to take care of Lao Pantou, a friend of her grandfather when he was alive, and Pan Tianliang, the son of Lao Pantou, is unmarried because of taking care of the lonely old man. Pan Tianliang has formally proposed to Nan Liwa, and promised to go to Singapore to develop together in the future. Nan Liwa was worried that when she went to Hong Kong, there would be no one to take care of Lao Pantou. She took the initiative to be Lao Pan's nanny. She took care of Old Pan the same way she took care of her mother and grandfather.

Accompanied by Nan Liwa, Nanyangsheng and Wanru went to visit Lao Pantou. The 75-year-old Lao Pan sat in a wheelchair with his legs and feet awkward, but his thinking was clear. Lao Pantou was very happy to see Nanyangsheng and Wanru come to visit him specially.

Old Pantou said: I'm old, I'm dying, and there's not much time left. But I often think of those things and those people when I was young, and naturally I also feel some strange group psychology thinking. Rational individuals have the instinct to seek advantages and avoid disadvantages, which makes them only regard personal interests as the only motive for action, but this kind of motive can never become a powerful driving force for groups. When such a person appears, he becomes the most extreme one in the group, becomes the controller of everything, and uses his despicable methods to control everything remotely.

Old Pantou said to Nan Yangsheng: Nan Liwa told me that you are a doctor of psychology, can you explain why the group welcomes such people the most?

Suddenly, Nan Yangsheng was speechless to Lao Pantou's question. Nan Yangsheng had never considered this issue.

Old Pantou said: Groups will always show a great spirit of ignoring fame and fortune and dedication, and they are easily agitated by beautiful words. Those politicians and elites have grasped this point and made use of it, and ignorant and ignorant groups often respond to it, but in fact, this is just a group of mobs. Trees fall and monkeys scatter, and many stones are thrown into the well. Those who really plead for the people have a sad end, like Yue Fei, Hai Rui, and Lin Zexu.

Old Pan sighed: Hu Yaobang is actually the same.

Old Pantou began to tell Nanyang Sheng the story of Hu Yaobang:

On October 12, 1976, on the sixth day after the Huairentang Incident, Ye Jianying sent his son Ye Xuanning to visit Hu Yaobang's home at No. 6 Fuqiang Hutong, and asked for advice on how to govern the country in the future.

Hu Yaobang concluded: "Now our business is facing ZTE. ZTE's great achievements are based on people's hearts. What is people's hearts? I think there are three points: first, stop criticizing Deng, and people's hearts will be smooth; The third is to pay close attention to production and make people happy."

These three ZTE proposals, namely the later "discussion on the standard of truth", "redressing unjust, false and wrong cases" and "reform and opening up", later generations also praised Hu Yaobang's words as the "Three Strategies of Longzhong".

After hearing this, Ye Jianying admired it very much, and thought it was true, and tried her best to recommend Hu Yaobang to Hua Guofeng and others to work.

After the Cultural Revolution, Hu Yaobang was quickly reused, and in March 1977, he became the executive vice president of the Party School of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. Hu Yaobang was the specific executor of the great discussion on rehabilitating unjust, false and wrong cases and the standard of truth in the period of bringing order out of chaos and in the early stage of reform and opening up.

Hu Yaobang, who had gone through hardships, realized that if the cadres remaining in the Cultural Revolution were not liberated and resumed work, the national economy and political mess that was on the verge of collapse after the Cultural Revolution would be irreversible.

Therefore, after taking office, Hu Yaobang took the Central Party School as a platform and published "Correcting the Right and Wrong of the Gang of Four" in the People's Daily on October 7, 1977. Prepare. This article was at odds with Guo Yufeng, head of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee at the time, but the article was still successfully published. Soon, on December 15, Hu Yaobang succeeded Guo Yufeng as the head of the Organization Department of the Central Committee. He immediately started the nationwide redress of injustice cases and the placement of cadres, and presided over the nationwide work of rectifying chaos.

Because all major injustice cases during the Cultural Revolution were directly related to Mao Zedong’s instructions; Hu Yaobang’s insistence gradually came into direct conflict with the “two whatevers” proposed by Hua Guofeng, then chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.

In 1978, Hu Yaobang pointed out that Chairman Mao also made mistakes in his later years, and we should correct the mistakes of our party and his old man; these views formed the "great discussion on the standard of truth" that year.

On May 10, 1978, the 60th issue of "Theoretical Trends", an internal journal of the Central Party School, published the article "Practice is the only criterion for testing truth" written by Professor Hu Fuming of Nanjing University and approved by Hu Yaobang. The next day, on May 11, "Guangming Daily" published this article publicly, signed it as "special commentator of this newspaper". On the same day, Xinhua News Agency took this article as the headline of "domestic news" and forwarded it nationwide. On May 12, "People's Daily", "Liberation Army Daily", and many provincial party newspapers reprinted this article in full. By May 13, most provincial party newspapers across the country had reprinted this article.

This article clarifies that practice is not only the criterion for testing truth, but also the "sole criterion"; practice is not only the "sole criterion" for testing truth, but also the "sole criterion" for testing whether the party's line is correct.

The publication of this article aroused strong repercussions across the country, which triggered a big discussion; the faction that supported the implementation of economic construction eventually won gradually.

Old Pantou continued: At the same time, despite heavy resistance, Hu Yaobang's rehabilitative work has made significant progress.

Hu Yaobang's campaign to rehabilitate unjust, false and wrongly decided cases was carried out under extremely difficult circumstances at the beginning. The primary resistance comes from organizational departments at all levels. Because local problems have not been resolved for a long time, cadres and their families from all over the country have petitioned.

In September 1978, Hu Yaobang therefore held a national work conference on letters and visits. At the meeting, he called for the implementation of policies in a realistic manner. What level of organization and who made the decision and approved it must be corrected in a realistic manner.”——This is called “cutting the flag.” He demanded that those who were misclassified as rightists and "behaved well in the past 20 years" in the anti-rightist struggle can be directly restored to the party, and the term "screening and rehabilitating" should not be used.

On September 17 of the same year, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China promulgated the "Implementation Plan for the Implementation of the Central Committee's Decision on Removing the Label of Rightists", which was implemented nationwide with "Document No. 55". With the efforts of Hu Yaobang and others, in November they drafted the "Investigation Report on the Case of the "Sixty-One Traitor Group"" and submitted it to the Central Committee, and finally announced it two days before the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China: The "Sixty-One Traitor Group", which the Gang of Four designated as a "death case", was rehabilitated and quickly caused a sensation. Since then, Peng Dehuai's anti-Party group, the "anti-Party novel "Liu Zhidan" case", and the insider party incident have also been vindicated one after another. In 1980, the Central Organization Department led by him subsequently rehabilitated the unjust cases of Tao Zhu, Lu Dingyi, and Liu Shaoqi; in August of the same year, the cases of professors Zeng Zhaolun, Fei Xiaotong, Huang Yaomian, Tao Dayong, Qian Weichang, and Wu Jingchao were rehabilitated. Hu Yaobang then instructed the Organization Department of the Central Committee to continue to push forward the investigation. In the end, the Hu Feng counter-revolutionary group case in 1955, the "Northeast traitor group case", the "Xinjiang traitor group case" and several unjust, false and wrong cases in the 1930s and 1940s were finally rehabilitated. .

After that, he instructed the Organization Department of the Central Committee to push forward the investigation and rehabilitate the previous major and important cases. He then continued to investigate cases from the 1930s to the 1940s, rehabilitating those wronged people who were designated as "Trotskyites" and suppressed counter-revolutionaries, including early leaders of the CCP Qu Qiubai, Li Lisan, and Zhang Wentian.

Hu Yaobang's campaign to rehabilitate unjust, false and wrongly decided cases is also to rehabilitate the Chinese Communist Party's erroneous political campaigns over the years.

After rehabilitating activities, his prestige among the masses has increased day by day. There is a folk saying, "If you suffer, go to the Organization Department of the Central Committee; if you are wronged, go to Hu Yaobang."

Hu Yaobang's historical achievements in rehabilitating all kinds of "unjust, false and wrongly decided cases" inside and outside the party ended the history of "taking class struggle as the key link" in the organization, liberated people's minds, and finally made ideological preparations for the emergence of the theory of reform and opening up Work.

The year 1977 during the period of reform and opening up was a watershed for Hu Yaobang in Chinese politics. In just three years, he completed the transformation from the leader of the League Central Committee to the leader of the Party Central Committee. In December 1978, at the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Hu Yaobang was co-elected as a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, and served as the third secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. Minister of the Propaganda Department, promoted to the top leadership.

In February 1980, at the Fifth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, he served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee, and general secretary (with a "party chairman"), becoming one of the top leaders of the Communist Party of China; June 1981 , succeeding Hua Guofeng as Chairman of the Central Committee. At the Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China held in September 1982, the party constitution was amended, and the positions of party chairman and vice chairman were no longer established, and the general secretary of the Central Committee was the highest person in charge of the leading collective. Hu Yaobang continued to be elected as a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and general secretary of the Central Committee, the highest leadership position of the party.

Old Pantou sighed again: However, Hu Yaobang was too optimistic about the reform, which led to a series of conflicts with other leaders of the CCP. His overly rapid economic reforms aroused opposition from conservatives in the party headed by Yao Yilin; and because he interfered too much in the work of the State Council, even Premier Zhao Ziyang, who supported the reform faction, was quite dissatisfied.

At the same time, Hu Yaobang's series of campaigns against corruption among princelings aroused the disgust of many CCP elders. In particular, the conservative Chen Yun accused Hu Yaobang of his reckless words and deeds, and failed to take into account the specific situation. Most importantly, Deng Xiaoping believed that Hu Yaobang's political attitude was too liberal, which exceeded the limit that Deng Xiaoping could accept.

In October 1986, Hu Yaobang still proceeded to promote the "abolition of life tenure in leading positions of cadres", and said that it would be realized at the 13th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. Although he didn't mind whether he was going or not, another faction intensified the demotion, which Hu Yaobang was unaware of.

From the end of the same year to the beginning of 1987, the August 6th Student Movement (also known as the Bingyin Student Movement) broke out in various parts of China. In 17 large and medium-sized cities such as Hefei, Wuhan, Shanghai, Beijing, Kunming, Guangzhou, and Tianjin, massive demonstrations broke out, "to demand democracy." , freedom, human rights, anti-government, anti-corruption" slogan shocked Zhongnanhai.

The 1986 student movement aroused the wrath of the senior members of the CCP. They blamed the outbreak of the student movement on the instigation of liberal intellectuals and the connivance of Hu Yaobang.

Prior to this, on May 10, 1985, Lu Keng of the Hong Kong "People" magazine interviewed Hu Yaobang in Zhongnanhai. and vested interest groups as one of the evidence of conniving "bourgeois liberalization".

High-level officials believed that Hu Yaobang connived at the bourgeois liberalization tendency of intellectuals and demanded his resignation; they also pointed out that Hu Yaobang should be responsible for the out-of-control student movement in 1986.

On December 30, Hu Yaobang planned to convene the Standing Committee of the Politburo to discuss the opinions of the Central Secretariat on dealing with the student unrest. Deng Xiaoping disagreed with the meeting and asked Hu Yaobang to talk at the place he designated.

Deng Xiaoping believed that the student movement was "the result of a lack of clear-cut and unresolute attitude against bourgeois liberalization over the past few years", and asked Hu Yaobang, "Aren't you responsible?"

Hu Yaobang replied: "I reserve my opinion."

Deng Xiaoping said: "It's not reserved, but you must stand up immediately and adhere to the four basic principles, otherwise you will let bourgeois liberalization go."

Old Pan sighed and said: Hu Yaobang had expected this long ago. Deng Xiaoping had a long talk with him, pointing out the seriousness of his problem. It made him feel thunderstruck, caught off guard, and inexplicably painful.

Nan Yangsheng fell into deep thought. But he knew nothing about the 1986 student movement.