Wake up（331）

 

Chapter 57 Balance

 

331

 

Nan Yangsheng and Wanru returned to their hometown from Hong Kong. They originally wanted to visit their family members. Unexpectedly, their grandfather and mother who adopted him passed away quietly, and the whereabouts of their younger brother Nanshan Yun is unknown. With the help of his friends, he met his sister Nan Liwa. Nan Yangsheng persuaded his younger sister Nan Liwa to move to Hong Kong, but Nan Liwa declined. Because she needed to take care of Lao Pantou, a friend of her grandfather when he was alive. At that time, Pan Tianliang, Lao Pantou's son, had formally proposed to Nan Liwa, and promised to go to Singapore to develop together in the future.

Nan Liwa said to Nan Yangsheng: "I am worried that when I go to Hong Kong, there will be no one to take care of Lao Pantou." Nan Liwa has taken the initiative to be Lao Pantou's nanny. She took care of Old Pan the same way she took care of her mother and grandfather.

So, Nanyangsheng and Wanru, accompanied by Nanliwa, went to visit Lao Pantou. Nanyangsheng understood his sister's choice.

Nan Yangsheng and Wanru saw the 75-year-old Pantou sitting in a wheelchair. Although he had bad legs and feet, he had very clear thinking. Lao Pantou was very happy to see Nanyangsheng and Wanru come to visit him specially.

Old Pantou told Nan Yangsheng many stories about Hu Yaobang. Obviously, he respected Hu Yaobang very much. In fact, he was able to obtain political redress in his lifetime thanks to Hu Yaobang's redress policy.

While Lao Pantou was chatting with Nanyang, Pan Tianliang, the son of Lao Pantou, brought a guest. The guest was in his early seventies, not tall, but very energetic. This little old man is called Liu Xiaosheng, and he is a writer and photographer with a little reputation. Liu Xiaosheng was born in a military family, but his father was attacked during the Anti-Rightist Movement and the Cultural Revolution, and died unjustly under the gun.

Liu Xiaosheng graduated from the School of Journalism. In his middle age, he worked in the news publishing system as the director of the book review department. Liu Xiaosheng is easy-going, outspoken, knowledgeable and unique in thinking. He has been a guest on several TV shows. Because of his cheerful personality and excellent mentality, he is still hearing and seeing well after seventy years old, and his temples have no gray hair.

When Liu Xiaosheng saw Old Pan, he said happily, "Who are Mr. Pan and Dr. Nanyangsheng talking about?"

Old Pan smiled and said, "Nanyangsheng and I are chatting about Hu Yaobang."

Liu Xiaosheng said to Nan Yangsheng: "I heard from Pan Tianliang that you are a Ph. D. in group psychology. I wonder if you have studied the Chinese group psychology in the era of Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang? It was a turbulent and tragic era, and hundreds of millions of people Excited, but also lost.”

Nan Yangsheng was stunned for a moment, then smiled and said: "When I was in college, several professors told me about these things, but not in class, but in private."

Liu Xiaosheng smiled: "I dare not talk about these things publicly when I am on the podium. But now, with the help of the Internet, I can see many things that I didn't know before. Old news has become today's news. However, I have to say it again. , I used to listen to the Voice of America because I wanted to understand the outside world, but now I want to understand the real China when I watch the Internet through the firewall.”

Old Pantou said to Nanyangsheng and Pan Tianliang: "Today, Mr. Liu is here. You two young people, if you have anything to ask for advice, you can just ask. Mr. Liu has a big dictionary. There is nothing he doesn't know."

Nan Yangsheng said to Liu Xiaosheng: "Just now, Mr. Pan told me a lot about Hu Yaobang. Can you tell us more about Zhao Ziyang?"

Nan Liwa served tea to Liu Xiaosheng. She and Wanru also sat by the side, listening to Liu Xiaosheng's stories that seem close but far away.

Liu Xiaosheng said: "Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, like Hua Guofeng, are actually tragic figures. Whether inside or outside the party, or at home or abroad, those who understand the history of that era and have a sincere heart cannot disrespect Hua Guofeng. Guofeng, Hu Yaobang, and Zhao Ziyang are the three people who changed China. But unfortunately, that is a kind of respect from the heart, a kind of respect that is suppressed in the bottom of my heart."

Liu Xiaosheng said: When I was the head of the book review department in the news publishing system, it was during the 1980s, the 1989 Movement and the period after the June 4th Movement. Later, he was transferred to work in the municipal government, and then transferred to the State Press and Publication Administration and Xinhua News Agency's local news agencies. Therefore, I have a relative understanding of Chinese politics and propaganda.

In the exciting era of reform in the 1980s, Zhao Ziyang made great contributions to the transformation of Chinese society. After he came to Beijing, he first served as the vice premier and prime minister of the State Council, fully promoting the reform of the economic system and the ideological liberation movement, and later as the general secretary of the CPC Central Committee. In just over a year, he created a great momentum for China's political reform The most relaxed atmosphere, and put forward seven measures for political reform in the report of the 13th National Congress. Although the report of the 13th National Congress did not put forward the slogan of "political openness", it mentioned two words of Zhao Ziyang: "Let the people know about important situations, and let the people discuss major issues." In Zhao Ziyang's era, China, although there was no democratic system, But ideologically and culturally, it is full of democratic atmosphere.

Due to the highly authoritarian and politicized nature of the Chinese system, after the Cultural Revolution, the reform decisions made by the CCP's top leaders, whether it was economic reform or ideological emancipation, were in fact political decisions. Specific to the decision-making of political system reform, when the troika of "Deng, Hu, and Zhao" was running smoothly, Deng Xiaoping delivered a speech on political system reform in 1986, focusing on the goal of improving administrative efficiency in order to change the "excessive concentration of power" " and the situation of "lack of supervision of power" as a means. That is to start with the decentralization of power between the central and local governments, overcome bureaucracy, streamline the organization and improve the style of work, and boost the economy as soon as possible.

Regarding the political reform at that time, Zhao Ziyang revealed after June 4: "With regard to the reform of the political system, before the 'June 4' in 1989, I had investigated Deng Xiaoping's bottom line. Deng Xiaoping's opinion at that time was: 1. Allow There are different factions; second, the ban on newspapers can be opened, and criticism of leaders can be allowed, but the criticism must be legal; third, the 'separation of powers' must not be practiced. This is Deng Xiaoping's bottom line."

With Deng Xiaoping's "sword of Shang Fang", Zhao Ziyang began drastic political reforms. According to Bao Tong, Zhao Ziyang's political secretary, Zhao Ziyang's political reform "focuses on the country's long-term stability" and aims to establish "democratic politics, form good relations between people, and fundamentally eradicate The conditions of the Cultural Revolution." However, when Zhao Ziyang proposed to Deng Xiaoping the general idea of political reform, although Deng Xiaoping nodded, he also stated the bottom line that Deng Xiaoping must stick to: adhere to the unified leadership of the party, and not implement the Western-style separation of powers .

Because, Deng Xiaoping’s political reform is not allowed to implement Western-style democracy and separation of powers, but “to ensure efficiency, this is the advantage of socialism, which cannot be lost.” It is Deng Xiaoping’s consistent thinking to oppose the mutual checks and balances of high-level power.

However, Zhao Ziyang's basic idea in political reform is precisely the check and balance of power. Only by changing the high concentration of power can we move towards a constitutional government in which the rule of law replaces the rule of man, and political decision-making can be scientific and rational.

When talking about political reform, Zhao Ziyang said to Chen Yizi, who was transferred to the Office of the Political Reform Research Group of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China twice in 1984 and September 1986: "Political reform must be put on the agenda!" Reform is difficult to go deep." "Political reform is more difficult than economic reform. If I don't go to hell, whoever goes to hell!"

In 1987, the 13th National Congress of the Communist Party of China was held, and Zhao Ziyang officially became the general secretary. After the meeting, he walked briskly to the group of reporters and accepted free interviews. A foreign reporter asked him what he planned to do after taking office. He blurted out: "Reform! Reform of the political system!"

The book "Zhao Ziyang and Political Reform" written by Dr. Wu Guoguang, who is currently living in Canada, describes: After Hu Yaobang lost the trust of Deng Xiaoping, Prime Minister Zhao Ziyang, while continuing to be in charge of economic reform, also began to chair the Central Political Reform Research Group and participated in political reform. The key members of the research are Bao Tong, Zhou Jie, Yan Jiaqi, He Guanghui, Chen Yizi, and Chen Fujin.

Zhao Ziyang demanded that political reform should be the theme of the 13th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. To this end, the Political Reform Office convened many leaders and experts from the party, government, military, economy, culture, diplomacy, news, and various provinces and cities to discuss political reform, and held more than 30 internal symposiums. In so many symposiums, except for Wu Lengxi and other individuals who responded indifferently, most of the participants were full of enthusiasm and put forward bold criticisms and suggestions. The vast majority of senior cadres attending the meeting believed that the main drawback of China's political system is that the party's power is too large and too concentrated, so political reform must start with criticizing the high concentration of power and changing the "replacing government with the party" system, and then gradually realize the power of the party. The constitution restricts party power and the exercise of party power within the scope of the constitution and its laws. Some people gave an example at the seminar: The party’s power has grown to an absurd level, and the price of Beijing matches has increased by one cent, and they should also go to the Political Bureau of the Central Committee for instructions. Therefore, political reform must follow the plan of natural human rights, multi-party system and separation of powers.

Some people questioned the "source of the party's power." For example, Chen Xiaolu, the son of Chen Yi, once said at a seminar that the CCP was "elected by armed elections", but after being elected, it became a thousand-year kingdom, "abusing the power given to it by the people." Chen Xiaolu's speech was endorsed by many people. Yan Mingfu, the head of the United Front Work Department at the time, estimated that "opposition parties" would emerge, and suggested that the "Political Party Law" be formulated now to prepare the legal framework for the future multi-party system. There are also people who question the legitimacy of the "CPPCC": they believe that the "CPPCC" does not have the status in the Constitution, so the "CPPCC" is an "illegal organization" under China's current legal framework. Therefore, the enactment of the Press and Publication Law and the Association Law have also received attention during the discussion.

Some people questioned the "source of the party's funds," and believed that the government's financial resources for the ruling party and the democratic parties should be spent by the state treasury, which is neither legal nor reasonable. Some people advocate that the party's financial resources should be solved by combining the increase of party dues and state subsidies. Zhao Ziyang's speech on this issue focused on emphasizing that the party must never run enterprises and companies. He believed that the abuse of the party running economic entities was more serious than "the party eating the country".

During the political reform discussion process, Zhao Ziyang made many speeches, the core of which can be summed up as follows: the essence of political reform institutionalization is to "decentralize powers." Zhao Ziyang pointed out: A system that puts too much emphasis on the leadership core can hardly guarantee that no accidents will happen. Zhao also requested that issues of freedom of speech, publication, assembly, and association be included in the research topics. Zhao Ziyang even said: "The Kuomintang's rule of the country by the party is not as good as our party and government, and the local party departments do not engage in unified leadership." Hu Qili also often came to the political reform group to express his views. Relying on the electoral system and the civil service system, socialism has achieved social stability and relative fairness. Zhao Ziyang agreed with Hu Qili's point of view.

Zhao Ziyang paid great attention to Gorbachev's reforms. He believed that the social development guided by Gorbachev's reforms, especially the liberation of ideology and theory and the legislation of system reforms, were quite inspiring to China's reforms.

Zhao Ziyang said: "We are also undemocratic, and we cannot say that it is a true democracy. Past elections were elections with no choice, so it is hard to call it a true democracy." He also pointed out according to the reality that China's ideological issues are very sensitive: "We Talk less and do more on issues. It’s not about not doing anything, but doing more. Propagating more centralization, but actually giving people more freedom and solidly implementing a little democracy, the effect may be better.” That is, try to avoid unnecessary Instead of ideological debate, we should do more practical things to promote democracy and freedom. Zhao Ziyang also advocated legislation to protect the rights of citizens. He said: "For example, parades, we cannot prohibit parades, but we must draw a line." In response to Deng Liqun's statement that "the dictatorship of the majority is democracy", Zhao Ziyang retorted Said: "Dictatorship is the guarantee of democracy, but it is not democracy."

The senior cadres who participated in the discussion at that time talked about political reform, most of them could not do without these three aspects: 1. Reflection on the history of the CCP, especially the Mao Zedong era; 2. Criticism of the feudal society for too long and the feudal tradition too deep ; 3. Most people are quite familiar with the national conditions and advocate that political reform should be combined with reality and public opinion. But Zhao Ziyang is different in that he often cites foreign materials in his speeches, compares the political and social systems of the West, the Soviet Union, Eastern China, Hong Kong and Taiwan, and sums up experience and lessons from them. For example, when Zhao Ziyang commented on the "86 Student Movement", he said: "Our voters' interest in voting is not as great as that of the Philippines. Our real democracy is very fake, and other people's fake democracy is very real. Fake democracy is very democratic. Democracy is undemocratic." He also said: "People in socialist countries feel inferior to capitalist democracy. This is a question we need to answer after all, and we will have to answer it in a hundred years."

Zhao Ziyang’s report to the 13th National Congress not only established the market-oriented direction of economic reform, but also put forward seven measures for political reform. Forte. The essence of it is the separation of the party and the government that opens up pluralistic politics and the establishment of a social order of democracy and the legal system.

However, due to the excessive resistance within the party in actual implementation, especially the "separation of party and government" reform encountered strong opposition from the top to the bottom of the local princes, it was difficult to effectively implement it before June 4th. In this regard, Zhao Ziyang's comments can be said to hit the nail on the head: The reason why the separation of the party and the government encountered huge resistance is that this reform fundamentally attacked "vested interests and power." Therefore, some people even said with sarcasm: "Reform reform, and finally use the party to do the surgery." Coupled with the serious setbacks of Deng Xiaoping's hard-charging price barriers, the redistribution of benefits and corruption caused by economic reforms have become the focus of social dissatisfaction, which has brought political reforms to a standstill. Zhao Ziyang can only return to a low profile, take back the Western model of political reform, and subordinate the political system reform to solving current social problems, that is, to fight corruption, ensure clean government and civil rights, and create conditions for the deepening of economic reform.

In the reform of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, Zhao Ziyang pioneered the regular meeting system, which established that the Plenary Session of the Central Committee must be held twice a year, the Politburo meeting must be held at least once every two months, and the Politburo Standing Committee must hold a regular meeting system every week. The system in which issues must be voted on has also established the system in which news must be released during Politburo meetings. A regular meeting is a regular meeting, no one can postpone it, it must be held; a system is a system, no one should violate it, and it must be implemented.

When studying the division of powers between the Politburo and the Standing Committee, Zhao Ziyang had a famous dispute with Hu Qiaomu. Hu Qiaomu opposed the division on the grounds that it was unnecessary. Zhao Ziyang thinks that it is impossible to do nothing, because too much concentration of power has too many disadvantages. Zhao Ziyang said: "If there is no minimum restriction, there will be big problems." On the issue of power restriction, "The party has been reluctant to do specific things for many years. We are always afraid of cumbersomeness."

Zhao Ziyang also set a precedent for the Politburo not to interfere in the judiciary. During Zhao Ziyang's tenure, the Politburo, the Standing Committee, and the Secretariat never handled a "case" or discussed a case of a political prisoner. There is an example: Hunan garrison had a conflict with the students, and the Public Security Bureau reported to the Standing Committee and asked the Standing Committee to set the tone: What punishment should be sentenced? Zhao Ziyang said: "You public prosecutors should handle cases according to the law. What the Standing Committee requires of you is 'in accordance with the law'. This is the tone. There is no other tone. From now on, the Standing Committee will not discuss sentencing."

Apparently, on the issue of political reform, Zhao Ziyang not only had disagreements with veterans Deng Xiaoping, Maoists such as Hu Qiaomu and Deng Liqun, and even had disagreements with Hu Yaobang.

For example, in August 1988, Zhao Ziyang pointed out: "Proposing the 'primary stage of socialism' can prevent those who talk big and empty words from misleading the country." "But what is our basic experience in the past ten years? I think it is two Article, a market economy, a democratic politics, both are indispensable. Why did we say socialism earlier, socialism is about fairness.”

In the case of serious setbacks in political reform, Zhao Ziyang still made a promise at the New Year's tea party in 1989: The purpose of promoting political reform in China is to establish a system that "can ensure that voters can Next, vote according to the will of the individual. Major national decisions and legislation are decided by the power organs composed of people's representatives after extensive consultation and dialogue, and some of them have been consulted by the whole people."

Nan Yangsheng, Pan Tianliang, Nan Liwa, and Wan Ru listened to the story of Zhao Ziyang's political reform told by Liu Xiaosheng, and felt the difficulties of China's political reform from the bottom of their hearts, and they also had a new understanding of Zhao Ziyang.