Wake up（304）

 

304

 

Li Si talked to a group of young people such as Nan Yangsheng and Wang Wu about Jiang Qing's riot in 1974. She publicly opposed Deng Xiaoping's appointment as the head of the Chinese delegation to the Sixth UN Special Session.

Li Si said: Jiang Qing's second fuss was against Mao Zedong's proposal to prepare for the Fourth National People's Congress after the National Day in 1974, and proposed that Deng Xiaoping be the first vice premier.

For this reason, Jiang Qing, together with Zhang Chunqiao, Yao Wenyuan, and Wang Hongwen planned the "Feng Qinglun Incident" and adopted strategies to attack Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping. Jiang Qing and others criticized Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping who assisted Zhou Enlai in his work by criticizing the idea of buying and chartering ships abroad as "foreign slave philosophy" and "traitorism".

On October 14, Jiang Qing commented on the "Dynamic Proof" that published the "Feng Qinglun Problem", and wrote to the members of the Political Bureau in Beijing: "I would like to ask, is the Ministry of Communications the People's Republic of China under the leadership of Chairman Mao and the Party Central Committee?" The State Council is a state organ of the dictatorship of the proletariat, but there are indeed a few in the Ministry of Communications who worship foreign countries and favor foreign countries, and the comprador class has dictated our government.” “The Politburo should express its position on this issue and take necessary measures.”

Wang Hongwen, Zhang Chunqiao, and Yao Wenyuan all agreed with Jiang Qing's opinion. Zhou Enlai's instruction "has been read", Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping just circled it.

On the evening of October 17, a regular meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee. Jiang Qing raised the issue of Feng Qinglun again, but Deng Xiaoping did not speak.

Jiang Qing asked: "Comrade Xiaoping, after the Prime Minister was hospitalized, you will be in charge of the work of the State Council. What is your attitude towards this issue?" Deng Xiaoping did not answer.

Jiang Qing also said: "You can't do it if you don't talk. Whether you support or oppose this matter, you have to express your attitude. You have to make it clear to the Politburo." Deng Xiaoping replied: "I have circled it, and I still need to investigate."

Jiang Qing asked again: "What is your attitude towards the 'Foreign Slave Philosophy'? Do you agree or oppose it?"

Deng Xiaoping replied: "The Politburo holds a meeting to discuss issues. You want to be equal. You can't treat people with this attitude! In this way, the Politburo can still cooperate? If you impose it on others, do you have to write your opinion?"

When Deng Xiaoping came back, he gave Jiang Qing his power for the first time. Jiang Qing couldn't bear it, so he made a big fuss. After being dissuaded by Li Xiannian, Deng Xiaoping left angrily.

In the face of Jiang Qing's public provocation, Deng Xiaoping adopted the strategy of keeping a low profile and keeping silent. However, Deng Xiaoping was still angry. Why? In fact, he knew very well that Lao Mao needed him, and besides, Lao Mao was seriously ill.

Deng Xiaoping got angry, and the development of the situation may be exactly what Jiang Qing and others expected. That night, Jiang Qing called Wang Hongwen, Zhang Chunqiao, and Yao Wenyuan to study countermeasures, thinking that Deng Xiaoping had "jumped out", and he could use the opportunity to punish him. It was decided that Wang Hongwen would "complain" to Lao Mao before Deng Xiaoping would accompany the Danish Prime Minister to Changsha to meet Mao Zedong on October 20.

On the morning of October 18 (the next day), Wang Hongwen flew to Changsha. Wang Hongwen told Lao Mao: "I came here this time at a risk. Beijing now has the flavor of the Lushan Conference in 1970." Wang Hongwen also provocatively said: "Although the Prime Minister is ill and lives in the hospital, he is still busy looking for someone to talk to until late at night.... Comrades Xiaoping, Jianying, and Xiannian who often go to the Prime Minister's place." heart disease", referred to Deng Xiaoping.

On October 19, Jiang Qing made two more appointments with Lao-Mao liaison officers Wang Hairong and Tang Wensheng who were going to Changsha with Deng Xiaoping on the 20th. He talked about the "connection" between the Politburo and Zhou Enlai in the hospital, and asked them to report to Lao Mao.

Of course, the scheming Mao Zedong would not be provoked by Jiang Qing's "pediatric" tricks. Although Lao Mao does not doubt Jiang Qing's loyalty, he also hopes that the central government will maintain a mutually restraining power relationship. But after all, he also hoped that Jiang Qing and Deng Xiaoping could have some kind of coordination in the central government, so as to take a new path for his "Cultural Revolution", which was already in a dilemma.

The outcome of the matter was that two days later (should be November 22), Mao Zedong asked Wang Hairong and Tang Wensheng, two liaison officers, to convey his "supreme instructions" to the Political Bureau of the Central Committee. To sum up, there are three points: 1. "The prime minister is still the prime minister"; 2. The preparatory work and personnel arrangements for the 4th National People's Congress are presided over by the premier and Wang Hongwen; 3. Deng Xiaoping serves as the first deputy prime minister and chief of staff.

Li Si sighed at this point: We can easily see: 1. The central government's personnel power is controlled by Lao Mao alone, and only what he says can be counted. 2. Zhou Enlai was terminally ill. "The prime minister is still the prime minister" has no practical significance. It is nothing more than using his name to buffer and balance the two forces and power disputes that have emerged in the central government. 3. Although Wang Hongwen is an "adou" who cannot be supported, Lao Mao still puts him in the position of successor at this time, which shows how much Lao Mao relies on the forces of the Cultural Revolution. 4. Let Deng Xiaoping be the first deputy prime minister. This is Lao Mao's established policy after Deng Xiaoping came back. The original intention of letting Deng Xiaoping come back is to replace Zhou Enlai.

On December 23, Zhou Enlai was seriously ill and Wang Hongwen flew to Changsha to report to Mao Zedong on the preparations for the Fourth National People's Congress. Mao Zedong clearly designated Deng Xiaoping as vice chairman and member of the Standing Committee of the CPC Central Committee, first vice premier of the State Council, vice chairman of the Central Military Commission and chief of staff, combining five important positions in the party, government, and military.

Mao Zedong also explained to Zhou Enlai: "After the Fourth National People's Congress, you can recuperate with peace of mind, and Xiaoping will take over the work of the State Council." So far, Mao Zedong has in fact completed the replacement of Zhou with Deng.

On January 5, 1975, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued Document No. 1 of 1975, appointing Deng Xiaoping as Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission and Chief of Staff of the Chinese People's Liberation Army. From January 8th to 10th, the Second Plenary Session of the Tenth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was held in Beijing. Deng Xiaoping was elected as the vice chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. On January 17, at the first meeting of the Fourth National People's Congress, according to the proposal of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Deng Xiaoping was appointed as the vice premier of the State Council, ranking first (that is, the first vice premier).

On February 1, at the executive meeting of the State Council and the plenary meeting of the State Council, Zhou Enlai repeated Mao Zedong's comments on Deng Xiaoping's "talents are rare" and "political thought is strong", saying: "My health is failing, and Comrade Deng Xiaoping will preside over the work of the State Council in the future." , "Headed by Deng Xiaoping".

On February 2, Mao Zedong circled and agreed with Zhou Enlai's report on the division of labor in the State Council. So far, all the organizational procedures for Deng Xiaoping to replace Zhou Enlai have been completed.

Li Si smiled and said to his friends: Deng Xiaoping's strategy of keeping a low profile succeeded again. He was reused by Lao Mao, but he angered Jiang Qing and his gang. Obviously, Jiang Qing would never be able to crack Deng Xiaoping's strategy.

Li Si said:

At present, so-called patriotism is being promoted everywhere in China, and its momentum is just like that at the end of the Cultural Revolution. Jiang Qing and others criticized Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping by criticizing the idea of buying and chartering ships abroad as "foreign slave philosophy" and "traitorism". Today's official media and fans sing patriotism, what is the intention? It is nothing more than attacking and suppressing the reform and opening up faction, saying that they are pro-American factions and lackeys of the West. To the surprise of the Chinese people, those so-called dignitaries who hold high the banner of patriotism have already gone to the West. Their wives and children have settled in foreign countries, they have cars and houses, and they are rich and powerful. Qin Gang, who was defeated in the internal power struggle of China's diplomacy, was actually charged with espionage. The Financial Times mentioned Qin Gang's background as a spy. The article said that Qin Gang graduated from the Beijing Institute of International Relations, which is where the CCP trains intelligence officers and diplomats. The school is believed to be part of the Ministry of State Security, the Chinese spy agency. A reporter who knew Qin Gang told the Financial Times that Qin Gang worked as a news assistant at United Press International (the branch in China) before being sent abroad. He was assigned to work by the Chinese Communist Service Bureau for Diplomatic Personnel, which received instructions from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. At the time, “press assistants,” including Qin Gang, met weekly to exchange information about their employers and receive instructions on how to influence the organizations they worked for. According to public information, the China Institute of International Relations is generally considered by the outside world to be an institution for the Ministry of State Security of the Communist Party of China to train spies, and the International Politics major of the Department of International Politics that Qin Gang studied is even considered a typical espionage major.

Li Si took a sip of wine, put down his glass and said with a smile: patriotic education full of the bloody smell of class struggle is not to teach the people how to love the country, but to use the stick of patriotism to suppress dissidents. The Qin Gang incident is the current example.