Wake up（338）

 

338

 

It is true that Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping had conflicts and disagreements, but they also had close cooperation, which cannot be ignored. Liu Xiaosheng said to Lao Pantou and those young people: To truly understand the relationship between Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping, we have to start from the early days of China's reform and opening up. At that time, Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping jointly launched the reform and opening up.

Liu Xiaosheng said: The necessary prerequisites for the implementation of any policy are: first, the advocates of the policy must have considerable appeal; second, the advocates of the policy must be in a decision-making position. In the Chinese political arena after the smashing of the "Gang of Four", Deng Xiaoping is the most qualified leader who can propose new policies and is recognized by most senior cadres, followed by Chen Yun. position of decision.

Both Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping were early party members and important leaders of the Communist Party of China. At the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 1956, they were elected vice-chairman and general secretary of the Party Central Committee respectively. When Lin Biao was elected vice-chairman of the Party Central Committee at the Second Session of the Eighth CPC Central Committee in 1958, the ranking order of the Central Standing Committee was: Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, Chen Yun, Lin Biao, Deng Xiaoping.

Chen Yun was severely criticized in 1956 for his "anti-rash advancement" and received political indifference from 1962 for his advocacy of "dividing land to households". He was also excluded from the Political Bureau of the Central Committee during the "Cultural Revolution".

In the early days of the "Cultural Revolution", Deng Xiaoping was politically overthrown as "the second person in power in the party taking the capitalist road"; Revocation of all positions inside and outside the party again.

However, when Liu Shaoqi was persecuted to death, Lin Biao was killed in a plane crash due to his defection, and Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, and Mao Zedong died of illness one after another, only two of the seven members of the Central Standing Committee before the "Cultural Revolution" were still alive. The former still retains his position as a member of the Party Central Committee, and the latter also retains his membership as a party member. Therefore, it is only natural and not surprising that the two of them became the oldest and most prestigious leaders in the party who are most likely to lead the party to break with Mao Zedong's "Left" mistakes in his later years and open up a new path for China.

At that time, although Hua Guofeng and Wang Dongxing, the main leaders of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, stopped the "Cultural Revolution" and began to correct some "Left" practices, they still generally pursued the "two whatevers" policy, that is, "whatever Mao Zedong Chairman Mao's decision-making is firmly supported, and all Chairman Mao's instructions are unswervingly followed", obstructing and delaying Deng Xiaoping's resumption of his duties. Under such circumstances, Chen Yun stood up to political pressure at the Central Work Conference of the Communist Party of China in March 1977, and submitted a written speech requesting Deng Xiaoping to rejoin the leadership of the Party Central Committee, prompting Hua Guofeng and Wang Dongxing at the time Officially stated: "Let Comrade Deng Xiaoping come out to work at the right time." The victory of this political contest accelerated the progress of Deng Xiaoping's comeback and bought time for the start of reform and opening up.

In July 1977, Deng Xiaoping resumed his posts as Vice Chairman of the CPC Central Committee, First Vice Premier of the State Council, Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, and Chief of General Staff of the PLA, and returned to decision-making positions. Immediately, he led the discussion on the standard of truth, proposed reform and opening up, democracy and the legal system, and promoted the resolution of some major historical issues. The Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee re-established the party's ideological line, successfully shifted the focus of the party's work, and finally opened the prelude to reform and opening up, laying an important ideological and organizational foundation.

At that meeting, Chen Yun took the lead in proposing that major unjust, false and wrong cases in history should be vindicated as soon as possible, and led the representatives present to launch a general attack on the "two whatevers" policy, disrupting the position of the main leader at that time and changing the meeting. The original agenda turned the meeting into a milestone meeting that opened a new era of history. Also at that meeting, Chen Yun was re-elected as vice-chairman of the Party Central Committee due to the strong advocacy of Deng Xiaoping, Ye Jianying, Li Xiannian and other central leaders, as well as the strong demands of the participants, thus greatly strengthening the power of reform and opening up among the central decision-making cadres.

Although Hua Guofeng was the chairman of the Party Central Committee at that time, and Wang Dongxing was also among the vice-chairmen, the highest decision-making power at that time had actually been transferred to Deng Xiaoping's hands because of the negation of the "two whatevers" policy. He later talked about the second-generation leadership group of the CPC Central Committee with him as the core, saying: "After the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of our party, a second-generation leadership group began to emerge, including me and Comrade Chen Yun. , Comrade Li Xiannian, and Ye Shuai."

Among these four people, Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun were ranked behind Ye Jianying and Li Xiannian respectively, but because of their qualifications, ability and prestige, they naturally became the two most important people in the decision-making hierarchy.

The so-called reform, in the final analysis, is to properly handle the relationship between planning and the market and expand the role of the market in terms of the economic system; in the final analysis, it is to properly handle the relationship between centralization and democracy and expand the scope of democracy. The so-called openness, in the final analysis, is to expand economic and cultural exchanges with capitalist countries, to learn and learn from all advanced management methods of capitalism, to integrate economically with the international market, and to join the process of globalization. On these issues, Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping had basically the same views.

Chen Yun attached great importance to the issue of expanding the role of the market in the 1950s, and tried to implement it in leading economic work. During the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, he once put forward a conception of the economic system after the transformation of capitalist industry and commerce, that is, in terms of industrial and commercial management, state management and collective management are the main body, and individual management is the supplement; in terms of production, the state planned production is the main body, free Production is the supplement; in terms of market, the national market is the main body and the Libreville market is the supplement. Although this idea failed to be realized, it left a deep impression on the minds of many cadres. In March 1979, after more than 20 years of practice and thinking, he further improved his own thinking, pointing out: "Over the past sixty years, the main shortcomings that have emerged in the planned work system of the Soviet Union or China: only 'planned proportional 'This article, there must be market regulation under the socialist system." He pointed out that the economy in the entire socialist period must have two parts, one is the planned economy part, and the other is the market regulation part; and, in the future, the economy In the reform of the system, the two parts of the planned economy and the market economy are not in a relationship where one rises and the other disappears, but "both increase accordingly." Later, he summarized this idea as "mainly planned economy, supplemented by market regulation".

At that time, Deng Xiaoping's views on planning and market issues were completely consistent with Chen Yun's.

In November 1979, when Deng Xiaoping met Gibney, vice chairman of the editorial board of Encyclopedia Britannica Publishing Company, and Lin Daguang, director of the East Asian Institute of McGill University in Canada, he said: "Why can't socialism engage in a market economy? This cannot be called capitalism." We have a planned economy as the mainstay, but we also combine it with a market economy, but this is a socialist market economy.”

In April 1982, Deng Xiaoping said again in a talk: "The most important thing is what Comrade Chen Yun said. A planned economy based on public ownership, supplemented by market regulation, is a game of chess across the country, and major economic activities must be included in the national planning track." Because of this, "planned economy as the mainstay, supplemented by market regulation" was written into Hu Yaobang's report to the Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, and became the target model of China's economic system reform in the early stage.

In terms of expanding democracy, Chen Yun's views are completely consistent with Deng Xiaoping's.

Both of them have suffered from the mistakes of the "Left", and they have keenly felt the evils of the lack of democracy. Before the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Deng Xiaoping said: "There is not enough discussion on the issue of democracy. This issue is very important and needs to be discussed." "Important Conditions of Thought", as the title of the second part of his closing speech, and pointed out: "In this period, it is especially necessary to emphasize democracy. Because in the past for a long time, democratic centralism has not been really practiced, leaving the democratic talk Centralization, too little democracy."

In 1980, Deng Xiaoping made a more systematic analysis of the institutional, historical and ideological reasons for the lack of democracy in China in his famous speech entitled "Reform of the Party and State Leadership System", pointing out that this phenomenon has nothing to do with the party and government, It is related to the fact that the party is in charge of the government, the power is too concentrated, and the lifelong tenure of cadres and leaders is related. It is related to the feudal autocratic tradition in old China and the lack of democratic and legal traditions. It is related to the misunderstanding of the socialist system that must implement a highly centralized management system and personality worship. It is related to the atmosphere; it is proposed to improve the legal system, improve the people's congress system, divide the tasks and powers of the central leadership, establish a system of employee congresses or employee representative conferences, and implement the system of one person, one vote for party committees to decide major issues. Weaknesses in the current system.

As for the issue of inner-party democracy, Chen Yun said during the enlarged Central Work Conference in February 1962: "In the past few years, our inner-party democratic life has not been normal, and some people have expressed doubts about whether democracy can be truly promoted. Strange."

In Chen Yun's impromptu speech after he was re-elected as vice chairman of the Party Central Committee at the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, he also pointed out: In 1957, Mao Zedong had proposed that the whole party should achieve a state of centralization, democracy, discipline and freedom. The lively political situation, due to various disturbances, did not materialize for many years. "This time the Party Central Committee has taken a good lead. As long as everyone persists, it may be realized nationwide." Before the Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China, he reviewed the draft report of the Central Committee and saw that "democratic life is not enough" is "cultural important reason for the Great Revolution. He pointed out that this statement was wrong, "It should be said that the absence of democratic centralism within the party and the absence of collective leadership are the root causes of the 'Cultural Revolution'." Later, he repeatedly proposed that everyone should be allowed to raise differences Opinion, "Don't be afraid that people will say the wrong thing, but be afraid that they will not speak"; "If no one speaks during a meeting, then the world will be bad." He also proposed at the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee in January 1987. He pointed out the issue of democratic institutionalization, emphasizing: “there must be a democratic life system within the party. How often does the Standing Committee hold meetings, and how often does the Politburo hold meetings? There must be rules. Standing Committee meetings, Politburo meetings, and enlarged Politburo meetings, It should be separated. This is the democratic life within the party. Democratic centralism must be adhered to.”

It is precisely because Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun shared the same views on the issue of political system reform that in those few years, China's inner-party democracy and people's democracy expanded countless times compared to before the reform and opening up. On the question of whether to open to the outside world, Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping also had the same views.

In the later period of the "Cultural Revolution", Chen Yun once partially resumed his work. In the business group of the State Council, he assisted Zhou Enlai in charge of foreign trade policies, and actively participated in the work of importing a total of 4.3 billion US dollars of machinery, equipment and technology from Western countries. In response to the ultra-left theory of closing the country and closing the country advocated by the "Gang of Four", he proposed that "the practice of self-reliance should not be opposed to the use of capitalist credit." Importing bulk goods can use the commodity exchanges of capitalist countries. Raw materials such as imported cotton and chemical fertilizers are processed before being exported. All of these can be regarded as the harbinger of opening up to the outside world, and are completely consistent in spirit with a series of opening-up propositions put forward by Deng Xiaoping after his comeback.

Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping's consistent views on the above-mentioned series of major issues are the ideological basis for their joint efforts to launch reform and opening up.