Wake up（329）

 

329

 

In the eyes of totalitarian rulers, grassroots groups are nothing more than a mob. But history has another answer: people's hearts cannot be humiliated. Water can carry a boat, and water can capsize a boat.

On April 15, 1989, Hu Yaobang, former general secretary of the Communist Party of China, died suddenly of a heart attack. Officials held various levels of mourning activities, including a high-profile memorial service held in the Great Hall of the People with the participation of Deng Xiaoping. Because Hu Yaobang once held the highest position in the party, the memorial service was higher than that of the former head of state Ye Jianying when he passed away. Half grid.

On October 22, 1986, Marshal Ye Jianying died of illness at the age of 89.

The 82-year-old Deng Xiaoping attended the funeral with a very sad heart. Looking at the portrait of his old comrade-in-arms, he couldn't help but lit the cigarette in his hand and took a deep puff. At this time, Deng Xiaoping had quit smoking for many years. When the staff saw him pick up the cigarette, they couldn't help but shed tears. Everyone knew that Deng Xiaoping felt really uncomfortable at this time.

This year, three old comrades-in-arms Han Xianchu, Liu Bocheng, and Ye Jianying passed away one after another. The glorious years of fighting side by side played back in Deng Xiaoping's mind over and over again. In the blink of an eye, everyone became old. After walking out of the funeral scene, Deng Xiaoping staggered even more. The staff quickly came up to help him. Deng Xiaoping waved his hand and said, "I'm fine. Have you informed Chen Yun and Li to read it first?"

"I just talked on the phone, and it's almost here now."

Deng Xiaoping nodded, turned his head and said to the people who came to see him off, "Go back, I'm a little tired, I'll go home and rest first, and I will leave the rest to you." After finishing speaking, Deng Xiaoping lowered his head and got into the car, Go straight home.

When Deng Xiaoping returned home exhausted, as soon as he entered the door, he saw Li Xiannian's guard Zhao Tianyuan standing at the door. Deng Xiaoping asked, "How long have you been here?" Zhao Tianyuan quickly stood up straight and saluted: "Hello, Chief! We just arrived!"

Deng Xiaoping nodded, turned his head and told everyone: "We want to talk, so don't interrupt if it is not necessary." After saying this, Deng Xiaoping walked into the reception room and closed the door.

Chen Yun and Li Xiannian were chatting, when they saw Deng Xiaoping coming, they immediately stood up to greet them: "You are back." Deng Xiaoping waved his hands casually and said, "Sit down and talk."

Chen Yun and Li Xiannian waited for a long time. After Deng Xiaoping closed the door, the three of them talked in secret for a full 80 minutes, and the staff could only wait outside the door. During this period, except for Li Xiannian who asked Zhao Tianyuan to ask Zhang Baozhong to give him cigarettes, no one came in or out.

At that time Deng Xiaoping said to Chen Yun and Li Xiannian: "Ye Shuai is gone too, we are all old, I think it is time to retire."

Chen Yun nodded, and said in agreement: "Yes, my body has been getting weaker and weaker recently."

  "We imitated the Soviet Union and adopted the lifelong tenure of leading cadres. I think this is not conducive to the long-term development of the country. We must train younger cadres to inject a steady stream of power into the country. If the old comrades do not let the good, the young comrades There is no chance.” “Whenever, half of the comrades meeting in the Great Hall of the People will be under 50 years old, so there is no need to worry about the country’s future.” Deng Xiaoping can retreat to the second line first, and then gradually withdraw from the core of the central leadership. After Deng Xiaoping finished speaking, Li Xiannian also agreed.

At that time, no one except the three of them knew what they were talking about. Later, the content of the conversation was made public, which immediately aroused opposition from some people. These people think that our country still needs old comrades like Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun, and needs them to be the guides of this country.

The difference between Hu Yaobang and Ye Jianying's death is the reflection of popular sentiment. A large number of Beijing citizens and college students held mourning activities for Hu Yaobang. Subsequently, hundreds of thousands of students and workers occupied Tiananmen Square to demonstrate, and the protests swept across the country, becoming the largest wave of protests in modern Chinese history.

On April 15, 1989, the lyricist Zou Youkai heard the news of his death on the train back to Beijing. In grief, he composed the poem "What a Big Tree", which was later composed into a song and was widely circulated for a while:

 

a sky above your head,

step on the ground,

You hold your head up in the wind and rain,

The ice and snow are overwhelming.

What a big tree,

Let your wind blow,

How many stories are left in the green leaves,

There is happiness and suffering.

 

However, the six weeks of protests ended in a bloody crackdown by the authorities on June 4.

Lao Pantou said to Nanyang Sheng:

To this day, despite the earth-shaking changes that have taken place in Chinese society, the authorities still keep the democracy movement secret, and the political reforms originally proposed in the 1980s have stalled as a result.

The young Nanyang Sheng asked:

What happened in the spring of that year? Why did Hu Yaobang's death gradually ferment into a nationwide protest?

Old Pantou said: If you only use one sentence to evaluate Yaobang, I believe many people will blurt it out—"the conscience of the Communist Party of China."

Old Pan said:

I have memory and interest in Hu Yaobang. The most impressive scene was when I saw college students in Beijing commemorate him in the "News Network" at that time, and wrote three large characters on the long white cloth: "Chinese Soul".

At that time, I didn't know what Hu Yaobang did, and I didn't know why many people missed him, and I didn't know why those grassroots were so emotional. I only know that "Chinese Soul" has a very high evaluation, but how high it is is vague and unclear, so I don't think much about it.

But an invisible "seed" fell in the heart, slowly took root and germinated, and slowly thrived. Since then, I have developed the habit of watching "News Network". However, I hardly watch it now because of the internet. By reading on the mobile phone, you can view many articles about Hu Yaobang, slowly restore him, and slowly respect him.

Old Pan said:

Hu Yaobang did not love power. He has no ambition to be the supreme leader, and he does not want to do anything to Hua Guofeng, nor does he want to take Hua Guofeng's post. His son Hu Deping said in his diary that he "wanted to set up a presidium, and I occupied a very inconspicuous role in the presidium." "We simply practice a thorough democracy and a thorough collective leadership among the highest leaders."

After Hu Yaobang resigned, he confided his difficulties to his old subordinate Feng Zheng: "Someone used the resignation report to add insult to injury and slandered me. Under the guise of the 'life meeting', they falsely accused me of wanting to be the chairman of the Military Commission and forced Comrade Xiaoping to step aside."

Hu Yaobang's wife, Li Zhao, wrote the eight characters "open and aboveboard, selfless and unashamed", engraved on the right side of Yaobang Cemetery in Gongqingcheng, Jiangxi. Because he is upright and selfless, he resolutely, openly, and repeatedly supported the abolition of the life tenure of leading cadres, which exacerbated the misunderstanding of the elders. As early as when he presided over the work of the Central Party School, he resolutely implemented the "four nos": no arresting braids, no beating sticks, no hats, and no bags (files). He told Li Rui, "It's a pity in my life that I didn't protect Xiang Nan and Su Jin; I blamed myself twice, I didn't speak fair words when criticizing Peng Dehuai, and I raised my hand when Liu Shaoqi was expelled from the party."

Li Rui wrote in "Learning from Hu Yaobang -- Preface to the Biography of Hu Yaobang": He did not avoid differences. On May 10, 1985, he was interviewed by Lu Keng, editor-in-chief of the Hong Kong "People" magazine. Lu Keng said that he and a certain veteran from Hunan: "You are echoing from the north to the south." He replied, "It may also be the opposite from the south."

Hu Yaobang had extraordinary courage. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China made a final conclusion for him. The length is not long. The biggest highlight is that "a lot of work has been done to set things right, rehabilitate unjust, false and wrong cases, and implement cadre policies. He has shown extraordinary courage and courage to seek truth from facts and made indelible achievements. .”

For some reason, the "Obituary" did not single out another indelible achievement of his: breaking through the severe shackles of the "two whatevers" and taking the lead in planning, organizing, and promoting the discussion that "practice is the only criterion for testing truth." He vindicated unjust, false and wrong cases in a big way, and a large number of veteran cadres were liberated and returned to work, rejuvenating their "second spring" in life, including the host of his "life meeting" who criticized him. When he was a minister, the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee truly became a "family of cadres" and a "house of justice". Regarding the "two whatevers", he clearly put forward the "two whatevers", that is, "any false statements, any incorrect conclusions and handling, no matter when and under what circumstances they were made; no matter what level, what What is decided and approved by people must be corrected in a realistic manner.” Someone asked: "What should Chairman Mao do?" He replied firmly: "It's still flat!" Hu Jiwei praised his achievements in redressing unjust, false and wrong cases, "It is the greatest humanitarianism in human history!" Guo Daohui, Zhu Rongji's introduction to the party He was praised at the commemoration meeting for the 25th anniversary of his death, "It is a flash in China's constitutional government movement—rehabilitation means the restoration of human nature and humanitarianism, and respect for basic values such as human rights, democracy, and the rule of law."

Hu Yaobang was tolerant and generous, and never liked to take revenge on others. Before the "Cultural Revolution", when Hu Yaobang was the first secretary of the Shaanxi Provincial Party Committee, he opposed "taking class struggle as the key link" and was sympathetic to the people's sentiments. However, he was mercilessly criticized and attacked by Liu Lantao, then the first secretary of the Northwest Bureau. As a result, Hu Yaobang fell seriously ill. Not only did Liu Lantao not stop, but he also asked Hu Yaobang, who was ill, to continue to conduct self-criticism and accept criticism. Liu Lantao was dismissed as a "traitor" in 1967, but after the "Cultural Revolution", Hu Yaobang actively pushed for him to be rehabilitated. Some people don't understand this. Hu Yaobang said: "He suffered a lot during the "Cultural Revolution", and he will definitely learn from it. Yes, the past is not allowed to be mentioned again. After Liu Lantao resumed work, the housing problem was still unresolved, so Hu Yaobang arranged another residence for him. Afterwards, Liu Lantao went to Hu Yaobang's house to apologize, and Hu Yaobang said, "I have long forgotten about this matter."

Hu Qili regards him as "a mentor, elder brother, and closest friend", who was "influenced and educated the most, and one of the people who benefited the most spiritually and spiritually" from him. He recalled in "Yaobang in My Heart", Hu Yaobang "has never been domineering, talkative, or patriarchal because of his promotion." Hu Qili also said, "It is widely recognized inside and outside the party that Yaobang's tenure as general secretary was one of the best periods for democracy within the party."

It stands to reason that Hu Yaobanggui, as the general secretary of the world's largest party, can easily achieve whatever kind of treatment and ostentation he is willing to enjoy, but he has no interest in these at all.

Hu Qili recalled that Yaobang had almost no family life. Although his home was on the coast of Zhongnanhai, he only went home for a meal every Saturday night. During the years when I was the general secretary, the Hall of Qinzheng was brightly lit every night, and I often reviewed documents until late at night. In the early winter of 1980, he went to southern Guizhou and western Guangxi for inspection. There were no police cars to clear the roads and strict guards. There were only two vans along the way. The mountain road was rugged, foggy and misty, and communication was inconvenient. Hu Yaobang's vehicle lost contact with the local area for several hours. Arriving in a county late at night, there is no guest house, so I sleep on the floor in the county party committee office. He went to inspect Yi County in the Taihang Mountains of Hebei Province, and lived in an ordinary standard room in the county party committee guest house. The light bulb in the house was broken, and the electrician came in to fix the light bulb. Only then did he know that Hu Yaobang lived there. In January 1984, he went to Guizhou, Guangxi and other poverty-stricken areas to investigate people's conditions. He was almost 70 years old and drove all night. He couldn't stand it in the middle of the night, so he slept for a few hours in the office of the party secretary of Wangmo County. At noon the next day, I went to a small town in Guangxi and led my entourage to sit at a roadside stall to eat Guizhou rice noodles, which cost 30 cents a bowl. After eating the rice noodles, the common people realized that it was the general secretary, and applauded warmly. He stood up, bowed respectfully to everyone, got in the car and left. Hu Qili also pointed out, "Since then, the central government has formed a tradition. Every New Year's holiday, it is necessary to go to places where the old and the young are poor, the economy is backward, or suffering from disasters, and the people are still relatively difficult." He breathes with the people, shares fate, Heart to Heart, more than half of the more than 2,000 counties across the country have run out of ground, but they have also been criticized for this. One elder accused him face-to-face: "Running around all day long,...this is not called guiding work, but traveling in mountains and rivers, and sensationalizing."

Hu Qili recalled that Yaobang believed that anti-corruption and anti-privilege should use "the greatest determination, the greatest perseverance, and the greatest tenacity" to firmly grasp and persevere to the end. "We would rather offend a few people than a billion people." He said solemnly, "Qili, you must remember that at any time and under any circumstances, we communists must never exploit the people!"

In 1984, the son of a Politburo member was suspected of economic crimes and hid in his father's residence in Zhongnanhai. Yaobang authorized the investigators to search and collect evidence. This is the famous "police car driving into Zhongnanhai". As a result, he completely offended the member of the Politburo, and also frightened some people with a guilty conscience into panic.

In January 1989, Zhang Yang, a famous writer, visited Hu Yaobang in the Guest House of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee, and saw that the cup he drank from turned out to be a used bean paste bottle.

Hu Yaobang was pure and equal. On January 5, 1982, he had a discussion with some comrades who attended the 15th National United Front Work Conference. When talking about the relationship between the Communist Party of China and the Democratic Party, it is necessary not only to "coexist for a long time and supervise each other", but also to "stand together through thick and thin, fish and water depend on each other". ". During the break of the meeting, a familiar reporter mustered up the courage to face-to-face questioning the inappropriateness of the term "fish-water relationship". He was kind and honest, accepted it face-to-face, and definitely questioned it. On April 10, 1979, the "People's Daily" published an open letter he wrote to a young man on the front page. The letter said: "The method of educating young people is not to suppress or grasp, but to use the word 'guidance'." Guidance ' is more precise and meaningful than 'education'.

In September 1981, at the symposium for the first secretaries of the party committees of provinces, municipalities, and autonomous regions held by the central government, a secretary of the provincial party committee publicly objected: "We have a special situation there, and we cannot implement the joint production contract responsibility system! You follow your own way, I'll walk my way!" Yaobang responded gently: "If you can figure out the joint production contract responsibility system, then do it. Ok?"

Hu Yaobang’s speech at the Second Session of the Fifth National People’s Congress in June 1979 is still alive today: “I always support anyone exercising their democratic rights under the socialist system. I hope everyone can enjoy the greatest freedom under the protection of the Constitution.” "I advise comrades not to arrest people for fighting, let alone arrest them for detention. Those who dare to raise these issues boldly may not care about going to jail."

Tian Jiyun said, "People working in the central government, including many old comrades, all believe that the period when Comrade Hu Yaobang presided over the work of the central government was one of the most democratic, normal and active periods of the Chinese Communist Party."

Old Pan said:

Hu Yaobang knew he was on the alert. On June 29, 1981, at the closing meeting of the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China after he was elected as the party chairman, he gave an 18-minute speech and made three points. High. First of all, to clarify the righteousness and fully affirm the contributions of Ye Jianying, Deng Xiaoping, Li Xiannian and Chen Yun, especially Deng Xiaoping. Secondly, it is stated that "according to the wishes of the vast majority of comrades in the party, Comrade Xiaoping will be the chairman of the Central Committee." Thirdly, "it is my responsibility to explain to the plenary session that two things have not changed: one is that the role of old revolutionaries has not changed. Second, my level has not changed." "Even foreigners know that Comrade Xiaoping is the main decision-maker of the Chinese party today." Deng Xiaoping listened to Hu Yaobang's speech, especially for his second opinion, the last paragraph The evaluation was satisfactory, followed by a shorter speech, obviously extemporaneous. "We elected Comrade Hu Yaobang as the chairman of the party this time. He gave a short speech just now. I think this passage also proves that our choice is correct." And he repeated it for the second time, "We believe that This big decision, this big choice, is the right one."

But Hu Yaobang was humiliated. History is so paradoxical and politics so dangerous. In just five and a half years, the choice of Hu Yaobang seems to have been proved to be "incorrect". On January 16, 1987, at the enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, Hu Yaobang was forced to resign as General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee. It is an indisputable fact that Hu Yaobang suffered tremendous pressure and grievances. His daughter recalled that after his father stepped down, many old friends, old colleagues, and old subordinates wanted to visit at home, but he politely declined them one by one, fearing that he would hurt others. "For more than ten months, he stayed at home and didn't speak all day long...except for reading and thinking, he was always silent for a long time, facing the morning light and the setting sun alone." His secretary said that Hu Yaobang wanted to write a memoir, but he still kept it secret , "I have lingering fears about the struggle within the party, I still have fear, and I have a lot of scruples." "In daily conversations, he tried to avoid mentioning Deng Xiaoping and Comrade Chen Yun, and never called them by their names directly when he had to, but touched his right ear. It means Xiaoping, and touching the left ear means Chen Yun, so you can see that he is as silent as a cicada.” After Hu Yaobang’s free essay, he also revealed his mind: “I don’t need to do things, but I still want to be a man.”

Innocence reveals the world, and justice lies in the hearts of the people. Hu Yaobang, as a political figure, sadly came to an end on the stage of power, but he is immortal in the hearts of the people. This is the luck of Yaobang and the luck of the people.