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Liu
Xiaosheng talked about Zhao Ziyang's political and economic reforms to Lao
Pantou, Nan Yangsheng, Pan Tianliang, Nan Liwa, Wanru and other young people,
but he said bluntly: Zhao Ziyang, like Hua Guofeng and Hu Yaobang, is just a
Chinese The extras on the political stage all played tragic roles. In his
opinion, where is China going? The big drama is behind.
Why is
Liu Xiaosheng so pessimistic?
Liu
Xiaosheng said: If you want to understand China's economic policy and
development process, you have to talk about that Chen Yun.
Chen
Yun, the most famous economic "manipulator" in the CCP, and a
recognized economist among senior leaders. Of course, if you judge a person's
economics accomplishment solely from the degree of education received, Chen Yun
is not qualified anyway. Until the day of his death, the column of
"education" in Chen Yun's resume was always filled with "primary
school". This is very similar to today's academic qualifications.
However,
Chen Yun has achieved fruitful results by virtue of being in charge of the
economic work of the party and the country for decades. Chen Yun has already
become a unique objective existence with the most right to speak in the field
of economic work and the most authoritative speech in the CCP.
What
cannot be ignored and forgotten is that Chen Yun was the first person to ask
Hua Guofeng to make way. He said in the Politburo: "People must know themselves."
It was this sentence that made him the first person to ask Hua Guofeng to let
him go.
That
happened in November 1980. At a meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central
Committee, Chen Yun made a public speech: "People must know
themselves!" This sentence was for Hua Guofeng.
Three
years ago, in 1977, Deng Xiaoping successfully returned. After that, all
affairs of the central government were gradually transferred to Deng Xiaoping.
After the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee, the actual
leader of the party was changed to Deng Xiaoping.
After
the death of Chairman Mao, Hua Guofeng has been in charge of the daily affairs
of the central government, smashed the "Gang of Four" and brought
order out of chaos in a timely manner. Thanks to his efforts, there was no huge
turmoil in the country.
The
chairman left suddenly, and Hua Guofeng was inexperienced, so he put forward
the "two whatevers" policy according to Chairman Mao's instructions
and policies before his death.
As soon
as the "Two Whatevers" came out, it aroused discussions in the
central government. Some people were very supportive of Hua Guofeng, such as
Wang Dongxing and Chen Yonggui. They not only affirmed the "Two
Whatevers", but also vigorously opposed Deng Xiaoping's comeback.
However,
veteran comrades such as Ye Jianying and Chen Yun strongly supported Deng
Xiaoping's return and opposed Hua Guofeng's "two whatevers." This
intense discussion continued until Deng Xiaoping returned to the central
government, and still did not reach a definite conclusion.
After
Deng Xiaoping came back, the Central Committee criticized Hua Guofeng more and
more. Hua Guofeng accepted the suggestion humbly and voluntarily resigned from
the post of Premier of the State Council.
In
November 1980, at a meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee,
Chen Yun discussed Hua Guofeng's problem openly and frankly.
"We
have to admit that Comrade Hua Guofeng made great contributions during the
several huge changes in 1976, and he is a meritorious person."
"However,
after 1976, Comrade Hua Guofeng did expose some problems, which made China's
politics not lively and smooth enough."
Chen
Yun first affirmed Hua Guofeng's contribution, and at the same time explained
Hua Guofeng's problems.
"The
chairman left three sentences, which are instructions for the future line and
policy, but it does not mean that we must completely and rigidly follow this
policy. Comrade Hua Guofeng did not carry forward the chairman's policy, and
even continued the revolution. I am disappointed."
Chen
Yun's words were very frank. Hua Guofeng was sitting opposite him, his
expression calm and calm, but his heart had already set off monstrous waves.
"Comrade
Hua Guofeng knows that we discussed it privately before today's meeting. People
must be self-aware. If a person makes a mistake, he must find out and correct
it in time!"
Li
Xiannian on the side nodded and said affirmatively: "It is not terrible to
make mistakes, what is valuable is to be able to recognize the mistakes and
correct them."
"In
the future political career, I hope we can do more pluses and less minuses. For
the better future of the country, I think Comrade Hua Guofeng is not suitable
to continue to serve as the chairman of the Central Committee."
As soon
as these words came out, there was a sudden silence in the venue, and Hua
Guofeng also lowered his head.
"These
things are cruel, but we must solve them before the Twelfth National
Congress!"
"My
speech is over. If you have any comments, please let me know."
Hua
Guofeng cleared his throat, and said to everyone: "I humbly accept
everyone's opinions, and I will think about it and reflect on it when I go
back."
In
1981, Hua Guofeng voluntarily resigned from the positions of Chairman of the
Central Committee and Chairman of the Military Commission, and gradually faded
out of the front line.
After
the downfall of Hua Guofeng, the actual first and second leaders in the CCP are
undoubtedly Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun.
Hu
Jiwei, the former editor-in-chief of "People's Daily", and Wang
Ruoshui, the former deputy editor-in-chief of "People's Daily", who
were visiting and giving lectures at Harvard University in the United States,
went to the home of a friend in the United States together. One of the examples
of incorruptibility during the period of the first secretary of the Central
Commission for Discipline Inspection was the large-scale renovation of his
official residence in Zhongnanhai.
It is
well known that Deng Xiaoping did not live in Zhongnanhai. At that time, Hu
Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, who appeared to be the first and second in command in
front of the stage, did not live in Zhongnanhai, and only Chen Yun and Li
Xiannian lived in the depths of Zhongnanhai. Compared with Li Xiannian's home
in Zhongnanhai, Chen Yun's home was several orders of magnitude higher in terms
of size and grade, and the cost of expansion and renovation was astronomical in
those days.
Wang
Ruoshui said that at that time there was a lot of discussion within the Central
Commission for Discipline Inspection, Li Chang, then the third secretary of the
Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, euphemistically conveyed the
"reports from the masses within the party" to Chen Yun, which aroused
Chen Yun's hatred ever since.
Hu
Jiwei followed this topic and talked about his daughter’s relationship with
Chen Yun’s daughter. Once he was invited to visit the Chen family in
Zhongnanhai. Chen Yun’s daughter took the initiative to ask Hu Jiwei’s
daughter, “Do you want to see my father?”
After
Hu Jiwei's daughter returned home, she described to Hu Jiwei that she and Chen
Yun's daughter were led around several times by the secretary and entered
several courtyards before arriving at Chen Yun's own residence. I finally know
what a "deep house and compound" is, and it's unfathomable, which
makes people feel horrified.
Then,
Hu Jiwei mentioned another example of Chen Yun's "specialization". It
is said that during the tenure of Liao Zhigao, Xiang Nan’s predecessor in the
Fujian Provincial Party Committee, Fujian Province had already started the
special supply of Chen Yun. Usually, a section chief of the Ninth Bureau of the
Ministry of Public Security was in charge, and he regularly traveled from
Fuzhou, Xiamen, etc. The local seasonal fruits and several local specialties
are transported by air to Beijing.
As for
whether there is a closer relationship between Liao Zhigao and Chen Yun, few
people can make it clear. The only clues can be seen from the fact that Liao
Zhigao was transferred back to Beijing after his resignation and served as an
adviser to the Central Organization Department.
Throughout
the Deng Xiaoping era, Chen Yun had always held a considerable degree of
control over the Organization Department of the Central Committee, and the
veteran cadres who had retired from the top leadership of the provincial party
committee were definitely not random ones who could be appointed as advisers to
the Organization Department of the Central Committee.
After
Xiang Nan took office, this "special task" for Chen Yun in Fujian
Province continued in accordance with "convention". Xiang Nan
officially took office in February 1982, and it took him more than a year
before he found out about it by accident. When he wanted to find out what
happened, the section chief of the Ninth Bureau of the Ministry of Public
Security actually said to him with a stern face: "Comrade Xiang Nan, don't
ask about this matter." How could Xiang Nan not be annoyed that the
jurisdiction had no right to "inquire" about the "special tasks"
performed by a small section chief of the Ministry of Public Security?
Afterwards, Xiang Nan went to Beijing to talk about this matter with Hu Yaobang
and others, thinking that it was not good for the image of the party and bad
for Chen Yun's personal image.
At that
time, Chen Yun was not only a member of the Standing Committee of the Political
Bureau of the Central Committee, but also the first secretary of the Central
Commission for Discipline Inspection. Suing the first secretary of the Central
Commission for Discipline Inspection for "specializing in life" isn't
it "a move on the head of Tai Sui"? What's more, Chen Yun has always
been known in the party for his "simple life" and "strict
self-discipline". To expose the special services provided to him by Fujian
Province, wouldn't it remind people of enjoying Guangdong's fresh food in
Huaqing Pool in Shaanxi? Concubine Yang of Lychee? Therefore, Xiang Nan, who is
well aware of the importance of this matter, never thought of writing this
matter into written materials and reporting it to the public, let alone dared
to go to the office of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection.
The
reason why Xiang Nan's kindness reached Chen Yun's ears is that there is a
saying in the party that Hu Yaobang once hinted something like "pay
attention to influence" to a staff member close to Chen Yun. Unexpectedly,
the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection led by Chen Yun would act
preemptively and try every means to obstruct Xiang Nan's political career.
From
June 28 to July 2, 1985, Fujian Province held the Fourth Provincial Party
Congress, and Xiang Nan and Hu Ping were re-elected as the first and second
leaders of the provincial party committee. At the same time, the working group
of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, personally appointed by
Chen Yun, has entered the Jinjiang area. On the pretext that some local
enterprises have produced a large number of counterfeit medicines and used
various means to bribe and sell them to various places, the provincial and
local authorities have investigated and dealt with them. The problem of
"malfeasance" by leaders at two levels. On July 13, 1985, the Central
Commission for Discipline Inspection exposed the incident to the outside world
in the form of an "Open Letter to the Jinjiang Prefectural Committee and
Administrative Office of Fujian Province", and some sensitive people
immediately noticed that it was unusual.
The
Disciplinary Committee of the Central Committee of the Communist Party has to
deal with the issue of the leadership team in the next area. No matter how
serious the nature of the problem is, at most it will send a working group to
investigate. After the results are obtained, they will either report them
internally or publish the results in the party newspaper. . Before investigating
and handling a certain event, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection
uses the form of an "open letter" to ask the responsible units below
what to do, which is undoubtedly unprecedented in the history of the CCP's
political establishment. Its purpose is obviously to expand the momentum and
pave the way for public opinion to hold Xiang Nan, secretary of the provincial
party committee, accountable. At the Party's National Congress held in October
of that year, a group of elderly people withdrew from the Central Committee,
and Xiang Nan's name was not among them. At the same time, Hu Ping, who was
then deputy secretary of the Fujian Provincial Party Committee and governor,
was added as a member of the Central Committee.
However,
at this Party National Congress, Li Chang, who had always been a political
confidant with Hu Yaobang and Xiang Nan at that time, was forced to resign from
the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (there was a "first
secretary" at that time, and the secretary was quite Yu's current deputy
secretary) "retired to the second line". However, Wang Heshou, who
desperately followed Chen Yun on the political line, was promoted to the second
secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, second only to
Chen Yun.
At that
time, Chen Yun personally ordered Li Chang to retire as a member of the Central
Advisory Committee under the pretext of "rejuvenating cadres" and
"alteration between the old and the new." However, Wang Heshou, who
was born in 1909, was five years older than Li Chang. Withdrew from the first
line, but was promoted to a higher level. Of course, Chen Yun did not only
further reuse Wang Heshou for the purpose of purging Xiang Nan, but the
resignation of Li Chang undoubtedly made no one in the Central Commission for
Discipline Inspection speak out for Xiang Nan.
Shortly
after Xiang Nan's death, some media published an analysis saying: The reason
for Xiang Nan's resignation was undoubtedly one of the important organizational
actions of conservatives in the party to secretly attack Hu Yaobang. Just as
Wang Zhaoguo was dismissed as director of the Central Office in April 1986
before Hu Yaobang stepped down, Xiang Nan stepped down a month before Wang
Zhaoguo resigned.
The
real reason why Xiang Nan was forced to step down is directly related to the
reason why Wang Zhaoguo stepped down. At that time, Wang Zhaoguo, as the
director of the Central Office, was so powerful that it was not only easy to
use his power to engage in small personal corruption, but he could also use the
excuse of "work needs". But Wang Zhaoguo has to ride a bicycle to
work every day. In addition to his own "clean show", Wang Zhaoguo is
also under the instigation of Hu Yaobang, under the banner of "system
reform", actively prepares to adjust the special material treatment of
senior party cadres accordingly, such as strict control of the bus rationing
system , Abolish the "special supply" system of daily necessities,
close "special supply stores" that have a very bad impact on society,
etc. As a result, a large number of CCP veterans were angered. Even Deng
Xiaoping, who was actively advocating the reform of the cadre system at that
time, felt that it was "unnecessary".
Group psychological exploration novel (Shenyang)
回复删除Today is like a crow gathering, and tomorrow will disappear like a beast. This is the case for hooligans, politicians, and ignorance people. Today, you can mix together, and will run counter to the benefit tomorrow. I explore the novels of group psychology, hoping that more people in the world can wake up from nightmares.