Wake up（328）

 

328

 

In the grassroots groups, some of the repeated sayings will enter into the deep self-conscious area of these groups, and the behavior motives of the grassroots groups are formed in the continuous indoctrination, education and political propaganda. At a certain time, the grassroots groups will forget Who is the author of the claim that is repeated over and over again, the grassroots will eventually become convinced of the repeated propaganda. Politicians in history have all understood this truth, a lie told a thousand times becomes the truth. The first task of the pen is to devote all its energy to swaying lips and tongues for the rulers, blocking and suppressing various opinions in society, so that hundreds of millions of grassroots have only one mouth and one voice.

Lao Pantou interpreted this phenomenon for Nanyang Sheng.

In the second half of 1986, Deng Xiaoping repeated his talk on political system reform many times. The domestic political system reform research boom, coupled with a large amount of political reform propaganda in a relaxed political environment, greatly stimulated intellectuals and young people. Students' political enthusiasm. They support political reform, support the development of democracy, and hope to promote this reform with their own practical actions. The whole country uttered the same voice.

1986 was the year of grassroots elections in China, that is, the reelection of grassroots district and county people's congresses, and the election of new deputies to the people's congresses. Many students demanded free elections and recommended themselves to run for election. However, many restrictions in the election and some practices that fundamentally violated the principle of universal suffrage aroused great dissatisfaction and indignation among them.

In early December, student unrest broke out from Anhui, and soon spread to Shanghai, Hangzhou, Nanjing, Chengdu, Xi'an, Tianjin, Changsha and other big cities.

At the end of December, large-scale student demonstrations finally broke out in Beijing. During the student unrest, the slogans put forward by students from all over the country focused on political reforms such as developing social democracy, protecting human and civil rights, and opening up freedom of speech. Among them, quite a few people pointed their finger directly at the Four Basic Principles and the one-party dictatorship. This has led to different voices in society.

Old Pantou recalled:

On December 8, 1986, when the student movement first started, Hu Yaobang presided over a meeting of the Central Secretariat and made three estimates of the situation: First, the current political and economic situation in the country is good, and it is one of the best periods since the founding of the People’s Republic of China. ; Second, there are some problems among the students at present, but they do not affect the overall situation. It is necessary to analyze the problems in detail. Among them, there is indeed a problem of poor school management, which also shows that there are problems in democratic life. We must reform and improve, but don't make a fuss; third, we must be good at guiding, learn to guide, don't suppress, don't push back all of a sudden, and don't let it go and add to the flames.

Zhao Ziyang also spoke at this meeting. He believes that the good opinions put forward by students should be adopted. As the situation develops, China's democracy is bound to expand, and it is estimated that such incidents will continue in the future. We can't imprison and silence everyone, like our neighbor to the east, North Korea, that's very dangerous. If there is no imprisonment, there will be a problem of improving one's abilities. At the meeting, Zhao Ziyang also introduced the situation of the discussion on the reform of the political system that had already started.

Wan Li, then member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and vice premier of the State Council, also said at the meeting that democracy is a worldwide trend. Taiwan has also lifted the party ban and abolished martial law. The development of democracy in the Philippines and South Korea will also have an impact on the country. This requires us to have considerable ability, and we really lack this ability. How to communicate with society is a very important issue. Gorbachev talked about openness, we need to have a dialogue with society. First, don't make big troubles; second, don't hope that these things don't happen; third, learn to have a dialogue with society.

After mid-December, the student unrest did not subside slowly as the Central Secretariat hoped, but continued to spread. On the afternoon of December 24, the party committees of the organs directly under the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the organs directly under the central state, and the organs directly under the Central Military Commission held a joint meeting to report the situation of "student riots". He Dongchang, deputy director of the State Education Commission, introduced the process and scale of the student riots at the meeting. He said that the characteristics of the student riots this time are: first, they are using democracy, freedom and anti-bureaucracy to make a fuss; slogan. He particularly emphasized, "This year is the first time that Comrade Deng Xiaoping has been directly attacked.

At this meeting, Hu Qili conveyed his opinions on the meeting held by the Secretariat of the Central Committee on the morning of December 22 to study the student unrest. He said that the Secretariat's basic assessment of the situation is that there will be no major disturbances. The troublemakers were only a small number of people engaged in liberalization, a small number of remnants of the "Gang of Four". Now there is no basis for turmoil. First of all, the central government is united. The conclusion of the Secretariat is that it should not be taken lightly and should be treated with caution.

Faced with the growing student unrest in society, Bao Tong, who presides over the work of the Central Political Reform Office, and the researchers are worried that this will cause changes in the situation, especially changes in the political structure at the top, and even affect the ongoing Conducted political reform seminars.

On the afternoon of December 26, the Central Political Reform Office held a plenary meeting and started an internal discussion on the student unrest. The discussion was chaired by Bao Tong and continued until the early hours of the next day.

Everyone's discussions were closely focused on the topic of "surrounding the student unrest and connecting with the reform of the political system" proposed by Bao Tong, and almost everyone spoke. Everyone’s understanding is basically the same, and they believe that the role of individual villains in the student movement should not be overemphasized. Too much publicity on this issue will arouse students’ resentment and some people’s doubts about political reform; students should not ask questions in the wrong way. , just obliterate the reasonable elements. There are some problems in the reform that have not been straightened out and the basic goals have not been resolved. It is understandable for students to be anxious. It should not be attributed to bad people making troubles, but to bourgeois liberalization; Those who started out as sports should not be afraid of the student movement. Most of the students are patriotic, it should be affirmed. But we should see that they do not understand the situation and are eager for success. We should study what demands among the students are worth thinking about, reasonable, and strengthen our confidence in reform; such a big social change has caused certain social shocks. It is inevitable, we should grasp the banner of democracy and freedom, and make it clear as a gradual process.

The opinions of this meeting of the Political Reform Office were sorted out and reported to Zhao Ziyang and the Central Political Reform Research Group by the comprehensive group after the meeting. However, the efforts of the designers of the political reform plan are doomed to be fruitless.

Lao Pantou said to Nanyang Sheng:

The further development of the student unrest aggravated the dissatisfaction among some veterans and "theoreticians" in the party with Hu Yaobang, who presided over the daily work of the central government. They believed that Hu Yaobang was soft on the students. On December 27, seven people including Deng Liqun, Wang Zhen, Hu Qiaomu, Peng Zhen, Bo Yibo, Yu Qiuli, and Yang Shangkun went to Deng Xiaoping's home, analyzed the seriousness and danger of the student unrest, and agreed that it was Hu Yaobang's appeasement and The result of ineffective leadership. Hu Yaobang is believed to be responsible for the current situation.

Deng Xiaoping and the old people's group originally considered that the 13th National Congress would allow Hu to "naturally" step down and make a smooth transition. But the emergence and development of the student movement gave them an opportunity to "solve the Hu Yaobang issue in advance."

On December 30, Deng Xiaoping called Hu Yaobang, Zhao Ziyang, Wan Li, Hu Qili, Li Peng, He Dongchang and others to talk at home. He said sternly: "Whenever there is trouble, it is because the leadership there is not clear and the attitude is not firm. This is not a problem of two places, nor is it a problem of one or two years, it is a problem of several years. The result of opposing bourgeois liberalization ideological trends is not clear-cut and the attitude is not firm." "It should be said that from the central government to the localities, they are weak on the ideological and theoretical front and have lost ground. They have a laissez-faire attitude towards bourgeois liberalization. Good man Without support, the bad guys are rampant." "The reason why these people are so rampant is that it is said that there is a protective layer in the Party Central Committee." In fact, Hu Yaobang was approved without naming names.

Deng Xiaoping also talked a lot about the reform of the political system. He said that when we talk about democracy, we cannot copy bourgeois democracy or engage in separation of powers. Anti-bourgeois liberalization will continue for another 20 years. Democracy can only develop step by step, and we cannot copy the Western way. If we want to copy the way, there must be chaos.

On the surface, Deng Xiaoping's words about the reform of the political system were aimed at the student movement, and these words were also his consistent thinking, but when he said them at this time, they had to be a warning. In fact, he was also sounding the alarm to Zhao Ziyang, who presided over the seminar on political system reform.

After being severely criticized by Deng Xiaoping for "ineffective anti-liberalization", Hu Yaobang "thought that the student movement would be suppressed and a large number of intellectuals and good cadres would be implicated, and he could not sleep at night." After repeated thinking, on January 2, 1987, Hu Yaobang wrote a letter to Deng Xiaoping with the title "Confidence to Comrade Xiaoping", proposing to resign as General Secretary. On the 4th, Deng Xiaoping convened a "meeting of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee" in his home and decided to depose Hu Yaobang. Hu Yaobang was not invited to attend. On the 6th, Deng Xiaoping talked with Hu Yaobang. Deng Xiaoping suggested holding a "Party Life Conference to Solve the Problem of Comrade Hu Yaobang" to criticize Hu's mistakes, and also asked him to make self-criticism at this conference.

From January 10th to 15th, the "Life Meeting" hosted by Bo Yibo was held in Huairen Hall, Zhongnanhai. Deng Liqun made a long speech, focusing on criticizing Hu Yaobang's so-called "six mistakes", especially Hu Yaobang's "only anti-leftism". not anti-right” issue. Hu Yaobang made a speech entitled "My Review" against his will. On the 16th, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held an enlarged meeting and decided to accept Hu Yaobang's resignation as general secretary; Zhao Ziyang was elected acting general secretary. According to the communiqué of the meeting broadcast on CCTV that night, Hu Yaobang "during his tenure as the general secretary of the Party Central Committee violated the Party's principle of collective leadership and made mistakes in major political principles."

Since the grassroots group is basically an ignorant and ignorant combination of low-end groups, they have not received a good education and are closed in a small life circle all day long. It is impossible for them to have a deep understanding of the cruelty of politics and live for life. is all their cognition. Grassroots groups need to know the effects of an event or a policy without any intermediate links, so that individuals will undergo qualitative changes after entering the group, and even completely change their thoughts and feelings. When the student wave was surging, they stood on the side of the students.

However, the elders who control power are definitely not as ignorant as the grassroots groups. What they care about is the power and wealth in their hands, and what they care about is the continuation of the lost and regained prosperity. They have never believed in the so-called democracy, freedom and human rights in the West. The elder group is actually an interest group.

When the elder group controls power, then the younger student group and grassroots group must collapse. Just like Chen Sheng, Wu Guang, the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, and the Boxers in history, the grassroots were overthrown, and no successful cases could be found. The succession of imperial courts in all dynasties of China is the result of high-level power struggles. For the sake of power, gentlemen become criminals, and cowards become brave. In the eyes of totalitarian rulers, grassroots groups are nothing more than a mob.