Wake up（340）

 

340

 

Liu Xiaosheng also talked about the mutual cooperation and cooperation between Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping to Lao Pantou and those young people, but also talked about the contradictions and differences between the two.

In the early days of reform and opening up, Deng Xiaoping gave Chen Yun great support. Similarly, Chen Yun also actively cooperated with Deng Xiaoping's important ideas. For example, Vietnam, which borders my country to the south, has been in conflict with China and engaged in massive military invasions of neighboring countries since the late 1970s. In this regard, the Chinese government has repeatedly issued statements and notes to the country, expressing strong protest and condemnation. Vietnam, however, ignored all this. Deng Xiaoping believed that against this kind of arrogance, it is necessary to fight back in self-defense. He pointed out: "If we do nothing on the Indochina issue, it will only increase international tensions."

In view of the great importance of the decision-making of self-defense and counterattack, for the sake of prudence, he specially asked Chen Yun to consider the pros and cons from multiple aspects. After repeated consideration, Chen Yun believed that this decision could be made, and put forward suggestions on the combat policy.

On February 14, 1979, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued a notice on conducting self-defense counterattacks and defending frontier battles. The self-defense counterattack began on February 17. After our border guards achieved their intended purpose, they withdrew from the opponent's border on March 5 and all returned to our country on the 16th. In the early 1990s, Vietnam took the initiative to restore good-neighborly and friendly relations with my country. Since then, the two countries have put aside their past differences, continuously enhanced their friendship, and become good neighbors, good partners, and good brothers again.

Another example of Chen Yun's close cooperation with Deng Xiaoping was manifested in the drafting of the "Resolution on Certain Issues Concerning the Party's History Since the Founding of the People's Republic of China". After the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, my country systematically cleaned up past "Left" mistakes, which triggered two trends of thought within the party and society: one believed that the Party Central Committee rejected Mao Zedong and violated Mao Zedong Thought; the other believed that , Mao Zedong and Mao Zedong Thought must be completely negated. In the face of these two trends of thought, Deng Xiaoping proposed that at an appropriate time, the Party Central Committee should make a resolution on the experience and lessons after the founding of New China, and make an evaluation of that period of history. He advocated that in drafting this resolution, on the one hand, it is necessary to conduct a realistic analysis of Mao Zedong’s mistakes in his later years; on the other hand, it is necessary to distinguish this mistake from Mao Zedong Thought. and develop Mao Zedong Thought.

Chen Yun fully agreed with Deng Xiaoping's proposition. He said to the drafting team: "Comrade Xiaoping proposed that the "Resolution" should be thick rather than detailed. I agree. Under this principle, if it is an achievement, write the achievement, and if it is a mistake, write the mistake." "The "Resolution" must follow Comrade Xiaoping's opinion, establish Comrade Mao Zedong's historical status, and uphold and develop Mao Zedong Thought."

In order for the "Resolution" to fully reflect Deng Xiaoping's intentions, Chen Yun also proposed to add a paragraph reviewing the 28-year history of the Communist Party of China before the founding of New China in the "Resolution", saying that if written in this way, "Comrade Mao Zedong's achievements and contributions will be greatly reduced." To summarize more comprehensively, to establish Comrade Mao Zedong’s historical status, and to uphold and develop Mao Zedong Thought, there is a comprehensive basis; to say that Comrade Mao Zedong’s achievements are the first, and that mistakes are second, and that Mao Zedong Thought guides us to achieve Victory is more convincing."

For this suggestion, Deng Xiaoping appreciated it very much, saying that Chen Yun's "this opinion is very good" and "is a very important opinion".

Thanks to the close cooperation of Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun, the "Resolution" was finally passed at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China after more than a year of drafting and discussion by more than 4,000 people. Look ahead.

After smashing the Gang of Four, Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun are the only remaining core members of the first-generation leadership of the CCP. For example, the confrontation between the two peaks constitutes the dual core of the second-generation leadership core of the CCP. Two-headed politics, two-peak politics, are rare in China, which has a tradition that one mountain cannot accommodate two tigers. Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun were evenly matched, checking and balancing each other, neither could overthrow the other, and neither could do without the other. Some major issues require the consent of both of them to work. Therefore, the political power in China's reform era was in a state of bimodality. Since Deng Xiaoping is actually the top leader, this mountain is slightly higher. Deng Xiaoping's team included Hu Yaobang, Zhao Ziyang, Wan Li, Hu Qili, Xi Zhongxun, Li Chang, Zhou Yang, Qiao Shi, Xiang Nan, Ren Zhongyi, Tian Jiyun and a large number of cadres who supported the reform. Chen Yun's team included Li Xiannian, Song Renqiong, Yao Yilin, Song Ping, Wang Zhen, Yu Qiuli, Hu Qiaomu, Deng Liqun and other leftists, as well as several party and state veterans.

After Mao Zedong's death, China had two pressing problems: economic poverty and political dictatorship. The solution to these two problems is the reform of the economic system and the reform of the political system. After the death of Mao Zedong, four political forces tried to choose the future path of China according to their own wishes.

The first option is to maintain the line of Mao Zedong in his later years both politically and economically, that is, to continue the revolution and the planned economic system under the dictatorship of the proletariat. Before Mao Zedong's death, Jiang Qing and others regarded themselves as Mao Zedong's successors. They were active supporters of the "Cultural Revolution" and the theory of continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The smashing of the "Gang of Four" greatly weakened the political forces that adhered to the "theory of continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat". We must affirm that the smashing of the "Gang of Four" brought a breakthrough and major impact on Chinese history, but those who smashed the "Gang of Four" do not necessarily all oppose the "theory of continued revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat", let alone the planned economy system. In February 1977, Hua Guofeng stated that "we will firmly support all the decisions made by Chairman Mao. We will unswervingly follow all the instructions of Chairman Mao". In May 1977, he published the article "Continuing the Revolution Under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat to the End - Studying the Fifth Volume" in the "People's Daily" (People's Daily, May 1, 1977). This shows that Hua Guofeng insists on the first option.

Obviously, this choice could not solve the problems of poverty and dictatorship that China urgently needed to solve at that time, and thus went against the needs of the times. After the unremitting struggle of the reform forces represented by Deng Xiaoping, the "two whatevers" were criticized and Hua Guofeng was forced to step down. Wang Dongxing, Wu De, Ji Dengkui, Chen Xilian, Li Xin, Guo Yufeng and other "everything faction" are also known as Birds and Beasts. Political forces insisting on the first option have failed. However, they still have some supporters, and their ideological influence still exists, and their influence is attached to the second option, sometimes becoming the second option's allies.

The second option is to adhere to the socialist system, the original ideology, the leadership of the Communist Party of China and the dictatorship of the proletariat politically; and follow the path of the 1950s economically. People who hold this attitude advocate: abandon the line of Mao Zedong's later years and return to the 1950s. They believe that the first five-year plan was successful, but the "Great Leap Forward" was ruined, and the "Four Cleansing" and "Cultural Revolution" followed later, so that the planned economy had no chance to do well. There is nothing wrong with the planned economy, it is just that it has not been implemented well. Of course, in the 1950s, the state-owned economy was too concentrated and unified, and no certain territory was set aside for the development of diversified operations and small-scale production. Therefore, they advocate that under the premise of the planned economy system, a little market regulation is allowed, which means "the planned economy is the mainstay, and the market regulation is the supplement." Chen Yun is the representative of this proposition. "Selected Works of Chen Yun" published in the early days of the reform embodies this idea.

The third option is to adhere to the socialist system politically, adhere to the original ideology, adhere to the leadership of the Communist Party of China and the dictatorship of the proletariat; and abandon the planned economic system economically. Take market-oriented reforms. Those who hold this view believe that going back to the 1950s is not an option. They have a deeper understanding of the drawbacks of the planned economic system. But at the beginning of the reform, no one dared to propose abandoning the planned economic system, nor explicitly proposed to implement a market economy. It only emphasizes the development of the commodity economy and the establishment of an economic system compatible with the commodity economy. It was not until the mid-1980s that it was clearly proposed that the reform should be "market-oriented", and it was not until the early 1990s that the "socialist market economy" was proposed.

Deng Xiaoping is the representative of this idea. In November 1979, when Deng Xiaoping met with Gibney, vice chairman of the editorial board of Encyclopedia Britannica Publishing Company, and others, he clearly raised the issue of planned economy and market economy. He said: "It is definitely not correct to say that a market economy only exists in a capitalist society. Why can't socialism have a market economy? This cannot be called capitalism." But this conversation lasted until 1992, 13 years later. just announced.

The fourth option is to abandon the planned economic system economically and develop a market economy; politically abandon the dictatorship of the proletariat and realize political democratization. That's liberal democrats. This is a relatively thorough reform proposition, and it is also a way of thinking that hopes to fundamentally solve China's problems. In the early days of the reform, this kind of view was outrageous. Therefore, no one in the mainstream and within the system made such a claim. However, among the people and intellectuals, this kind of view exists. More importantly, in foreign countries, whether in Western countries or post-transition Soviet (Soviet) Eastern (European) countries, this view is the mainstream thought of society. They find their own space of expression in support of the third option, and sometimes become allies of the third option.

The political struggle in China's reform era was actually a contest between the above four political forces. When the curtain of reform was about to kick off, the central content of the political struggle was that the latter three political forces combined into one force to oppose the first force, namely smashing the "Gang of Four" and overthrowing the "Anything faction." The "Gang of Four" has been smashed, and the "Anything faction" has been driven out of the center of power, so the first option has lost its possibility. The power of the fourth option is still on the fringes, with no say in national affairs. It can only show the existence of its power when there is a student riot. Therefore, the political struggle mainly takes place between the second option and the third option. These two kinds of forces are both in the center of power, and both occupy more social resources and more supporters.

These four options bring together four political forces. The series of these four forces can form China's political spectrum from left to right. On the far left are the remnants of the "Gang of Four", and on the far right are the liberal democrats.

on this continuum of the political spectrum. There are two places with the strongest energy, which are the third choice represented by Deng Xiaoping and the second choice represented by Chen Yun. Chen Yun was elected as a member of the Central Committee at the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in 1931. When the Provisional Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was established in September of the same year, he was already a member of the Political Bureau. In 1935, on the Long March, he was sent to the Soviet Union to report the situation to the Communist International. In November 1937, he returned to Yan'an with Wang Ming, Kang Sheng and others. In the Yan'an era, he was in charge of organizational work, so he has a solid foundation in the cadre team. At the beginning of the founding of the Communist Party of China, the leaders of the central government were ranked as follows: Mao, Liu, Zhou, Zhu, Chen, Lin, and Deng. Chen Yun's status is still higher than Deng Xiaoping's. 49 years later, whenever there was a setback in the economy, Chen Yun was asked to come out to clean up the situation. Mao Zedong said, "When the country is in trouble, I think of a good general, and when the family is poor, I think of a good wife." When Mao Zedong criticized "anti-rash advance", he and Zhou Enlai were criticized at the same time. Most people who supported Zhou Enlai also supported Chen Yun. In the national economic management system, in the cadre organization system and high-level cadres, Chen Yun can be said to have deep roots and respond to everyone. Because of his deep thinking, stability, rigor, soft outside and strong inside, he has won the trust of many people. He rarely directly participates in political struggles, giving people a sense of mystery.

Deng Xiaoping is also a figure with deep roots and deep roots in the Communist Party of China. He dared to act boldly and made decisive decisions. He was known as the "Steel Company". After the "Gang of Four", he was a recognized leader in the party. He is in charge of the army and controls the overall situation. Due to his ups and downs of political experience, his position is unshakable.

Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun were evenly matched, checking and balancing each other, neither could overthrow the other, and neither could do without the other. Some major issues require the consent of both of them to work. Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun have different styles. Deng Xiaoping was a man with a strong hand, while Chen Yun often judged people with the mean. Everyone clapped their hands and applauded the handling of the "Gang of Four" issue in the manner of a palace coup. Chen Yun said that this method "is not an example". During the trial of the "Gang of Four", Deng Xiaoping advocated the shooting of Jiang Qing and Zhang Chunqiao. Chen Yun said: "If I vote against it, it must be recorded." For the four elderly people far away, some people advocated expulsion from the party, but Chen Yun ensured that the four of them passed the test. Chen Yun is fundamentally leftist, but he uses the appearance of the mean to pack the inner core of the leftist. In his struggle with Deng Xiaoping, he often used softness to overcome rigidity. On the positive side, under China's highly centralized political system, two-peak politics is better than one-peak politics. With Chen Yun's checks and balances, Deng Xiaoping was prevented from abusing power to a certain extent.

With these two peaks of power, two teams come together. Deng Xiaoping's team included Hu Yaobang, Zhao Ziyang, Wan Li, Hu Qili, Xi Zhongxun, Li Chang, Zhou Yang, Qiao Shi, Xiang Nan, Ren Zhongyi, Tian Jiyun and a large number of cadres who supported the reform. Chen Yun's team included Li Xiannian, Song Renqiong, Yao Yilin, Song Ping, Wang Zhen, Yu Qiuli, Hu Qiaomu, Deng Liqun and other leftists, as well as several party and state veterans. The Chen Yun Front can also be called the Conservatives, and the Deng Xiaoping Front can also be called the Reformers.

Deng Xiaoping's Front and Chen Yun's Front have two points of consensus: one is to insist that China's original political system and guiding ideology cannot be changed; the other is to change the economic status quo left by Mao Zedong, that is, economic system reform.

In 1987, according to Deng Xiaoping's intention, Zhao Ziyang summed up the consensus of the two fronts as "one center, two basic points", and the Thirteenth Congress raised this summation to the height of "the party's basic line". "One center" means "centering on economic construction"; "two basic points" are "reform and opening up" and "four basic principles". These two basic points can be expressed in another form: do not change China's existing political system, and learn from Western economic systems. This is the modern version of the "Chinese learning for the body and Western learning for application" put forward by Chinese reformers more than a hundred years ago.

Two basic points, one is to realize the "commodity economy", "market economy" and "material stimulus" that have been regarded as heretical in the past few decades, and actively absorb "imperialist capital export"; Adhere to the basic system, basic position and basic theory of the Communist Party for decades. This is difficult to coordinate in actual work. It is impossible not to collide between two incompatible fundamental points. China's reform process is a process of constant collision of two basic points.

Under the banner of "two basic points", two teams gathered: one team emphasized reform and opening up, and the other team emphasized the four basic principles. The former team is basically people from Deng Xiaoping's front, and the latter team is basically from Chen Yun's front. As far as reform and opening up is concerned, there are differences between the two fronts, one is the planned economy and the other is the market economy. But this divisive struggle is mingled with a struggle on two fundamental points.

For example, Chen Yun's front used the "Four Cardinal Principles" as a weapon when attacking Deng Xiaoping's front. Deng Xiaoping's front used "opposition to reform" as a weapon when attacking Chen Yun's front. If the Chen Yun Front thinks that a certain reform of the Deng Xiaoping Front has gone too far, they will take up the weapon of "surname capital and surname society" to attack.

The collision of two basic points under the twin peaks politics has evolved into a political struggle between two forces. In the struggle of these two forces. The remnants of the "everything faction" supported Chen Yun's front; the liberal democrats supported Deng Xiaoping's front. When the activities of the liberal democrats threatened the "Four Cardinal Principles," the Deng Xiaoping Front and the Chen Yun Front joined forces to suppress them.

For the "Deng Hu Zhao system" formed by the 12th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, Chen Yun's front is incompatible. It can be said that the "Deng Hu Zhao system" and the "Chen Yun front" are the two ends of the political struggle after the 12th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. In the end, the "Deng Hu Zhao system" was disintegrated. In this round of struggle, Chen Yun's front won. The defeat of Deng Xiaoping's front came at the expense of two general secretaries. After 1992, the socialist market economy became the goal of China's reforms, and the planned economic system was completely abandoned. It can be said that Deng Xiaoping's front won and Chen Yun's front lost, at the cost of giving up their own chosen goals.