Wake up（143）

 

143

 

The isolated individual knows well that, alone, he cannot burn palaces or loot shops, and even if tempted to do so, he easily resists the temptation. But when he is a member of a herd, he realizes the power that numbers give him, enough to make him want to kill and pillage, and he immediately gives in to the temptation. Unexpected obstacles are destroyed with fury. The human organism is indeed capable of producing a great deal of feverish passion, so that it may be said that the normal state of crowds whose wishes are thwarted is this state of rage.

The young Nanshan Yun, Li Si, Zhang San and Wang Wu gathered into a small group. This group of young people is full of strong youthful atmosphere, but due to dissatisfaction with society, their mouths are full of gunpowder. There are always different youth groups formed in different eras.

As soon as a person enters a group, his IQ drops severely. In order to gain recognition, individuals are willing to abandon right and wrong, and exchange their IQ for the sense of belonging that makes people feel safe. The same is true for Nan Shanyun, he, Li Si, Zhang San, and Wang Wu formed a group, he will no longer take responsibility for his actions, and everyone will reveal their unrestrained side at this time. Crowds have never pursued and believed in truth and rationality, but blind obedience, cruelty, paranoia and fanaticism, and only know simple and extreme emotions. Due to the common understanding of society, their only choice is how to retaliate against this society, because they can't get any benefits from this society.

We always have the illusion that our feelings come from within ourselves. In fact, the group can only do two things: either add to the icing on the cake, or make things worse. Once the individual becomes a member of the group, the will of the group becomes an unshakable force.

We think we are rational, we think our actions are justified. But in fact, most of our everyday actions are the result of hidden motives that we have no way of understanding ourselves.

The difference between Nan Shanyun and Zhang San and Wang Wu is that he pays more attention to politics, and he has relatively more exchanges with Li Si. Li Si is a thoughtful young man.

Li Si said to Nanshan Yun: We want to fight against this society, not to pursue any Western values. Western ideas of democracy and freedom seem brilliant, but they are not suitable for China. The previous and subsequent generations received the so-called brainwashing education of "loving the party, loving the country, and loving the people." No one dared to oppose this kind of education, and Western politicians were also incapable of awakening the brainwashed Chinese.

Li Si's words were approved by Nan Shanyun, but what Nan Shanyun wanted to say was: Can't we liberate ourselves?

Li Si sighed: No one can eradicate the traditional influence of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism on Chinese people, and no one can overthrow China's dictatorship. In Lu Xun's eyes, Chinese grassroots people are Ah Q, and Chinese intellectuals are Kong Yiji. Those former elites also said that the Chinese are a mess. What are you reading for? The Chinese tell you resoundingly: there is a golden house in the book, and reading is for becoming an official, and getting promoted can make you rich, honor your ancestors, and become famous all over the world. Westerners talk about human rights, freedom, and democracy, while Chinese talk about "everyone is not for himself, and heaven and earth will destroy them." The current popular way of lying down is "it's none of your business, just hang on high". People live their whole life and only live for themselves. It's better to live than to die.

Nan Shanyun agreed with what Li Si said, but he came up with an astonishing idea: If you want to change China, you should use Lao Mao's thinking to do it. One sentence of his is worth ten thousand sentences.

Li Da was shocked: Do you want to go back to the old Mao era? Another Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution?

Nan Shanyun smiled and said to Li Si: How did Lao Mao defeat the Jiang family dynasty and overthrow the autocratic regime? How did he eliminate dissidents and consolidate the regime? If you think about it carefully, don’t think Lao Deng is an anti-Mao faction, he just uses Lao Mao’s method to govern the people. Today's rulers also use Lao Mao's method to control the people. The difference is that the goal of governing the country is different. The former is "capitalist roaders are still going", eager to kiss and embrace the West, enrich those second-generation red and second-generation officials, and cultivate more second-generation rich and third-generation rich. The latter copied Lao Mao's art of controlling the people, distanced itself from the West, brought up the "Three Loyalties" and "the country advances and the people retreat", and regained the grip of guns, knives, and pens. The emphasis is on "struggle" and "politics". What they are doing is torturing the whole people.

Nan Shanyun asked Li Si: Do you know "class struggle in the field of ideology", what kind of theory is this?

The topic of Nan Shanyun and Li Si thus turned to the discussion of the theory of "class struggle".

The resolutions of the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China and Mao Zedong's original speech on "Two Types of Contradictions" originally abandoned the theory and practice of class struggle, emphasizing that domestic contradictions among the people are the main ones. However, in order to create a theoretical basis for the anti-rightist movement, Mao Zedong added the rhetoric of class struggle in the full text of the speech officially published during the anti-rightist upsurge in July 1957 and at the propaganda work conference, declaring that "the large-scale The stormy mass class struggle has basically ended, but ... the class struggle has not ended. The class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the class struggle between the various political forces, the ideological struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie The struggle is still long-term, tortuous, and sometimes even fierce.” “On the political and ideological fronts, we have not won complete victory. The proletariat and the bourgeoisie will win in terms of ideology. The problem has not yet been truly resolved, and we will continue to wage a long-term struggle against bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideology.... All erroneous ideas, all poisonous weeds, and all ghosts and monsters should be criticized, and they must not be allowed to spread freely. These discussions can be found in Volume 5 of Selected Works of Mao Zedong. These theories became the theoretical basis for the anti-rightist movement.

Mao Zedong was good at using the theory of class struggle to suppress and persecute intellectuals' freedom of thought and speech. He characterized the vast majority of intellectuals as "bourgeois intellectuals," and labeled their pursuit of democracy, freedom, human rights, and the rule of law as "bourgeois ideology." Intellectuals are classified as "bourgeois rightists", and then "rightists" are defined as "bourgeois reactionaries who are anti-Communist, anti-people and anti-socialist", and the unconstitutional behavior of suppressing intellectuals by safeguarding the party's political privileges and leader's dictatorship is It has become the class struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, which is essentially the struggle of the feudal autocratic rulers to suppress the democratic intellectuals; A great socialist revolution on the political and ideological fronts". Ideological class struggle forms the theoretical basis of the Anti-Rightist and other political movements, as well as of all cultural despotism. This completely distorts and changes the Marxist theory of class struggle.

Marx's theory of class struggle was originally a theoretical weapon for the proletariat and all oppressed and exploited classes to strive for liberation. After the revolution seized power, according to Engels' theory, the class struggle should be eased. Lenin's "State and Revolution" said that Engels pointed out that the emergence of the state is to prevent "these classes whose economic interests conflict with each other from destroying themselves and society in meaningless struggles." Keep the conflict within the bounds of order". Mao Zedong did the opposite, not only did not ease the class struggle, but also artificially created class struggle; after the economic base had eliminated the exploiting classes, he wanted to expand the class struggle to "the ideological field" and make it a tools of cultural despotism in order to attack and suppress intellectuals who pursue democracy and freedom.

According to Marx's theory, class struggle refers only to the class-to-class political struggle between the exploited class and the exploiting class. Any conflict between non-opposing classes cannot be attributed to class struggle; any non-political struggle is not class struggle; even the contradictions between individual members of opposing classes, such as economic disputes between capitalists and workers, are not all class struggles. Struggles; conflicts in ideology are not all class struggles, and more of them are truth and falsehood, advanced and conservative, and disputes between different schools of thought, different schools of thought, and artistic schools. As long as different class ideologies are not part of political struggle, they do not belong to class struggle. They are not only mutually exclusive, but also learn from and inherit from each other. They are not incompatible class struggles. In the era of pluralistic social interest groups, there are not only contradictions and struggles between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in society, but many non-class social contradictions and social struggles. Even if some systems, ideas, theories, concepts, and propositions were first proposed or implemented by bourgeois politicians and theorists, such as human rights, freedom, equality, fraternity, rule of law, constitutionalism, democracy, separation and checks and balances of power, judicial independence... ... and so on, are all the achievements of human civilization, and they cannot be dismissed, criticized, or attacked as "capitalism".

Nan Shanyun said to Li Si:

It can be seen that Mao Zedong’s derogatory title of intellectuals as “bourgeoisie” violated and distorted Marx’s theory of class struggle. He only used this to classify millions of intellectuals into separate books and eliminate these elites with independent thinking and free spirit. Threat to feudal autocratic rule. Since then, whenever he wanted to eradicate dissident forces, Mao Zedong always raised the hat of "bourgeois", such as knocking down Peng Dehuai as "a fellow traveler of the bourgeois revolution" and "bourgeois right opportunists", and asserted that "the struggle that emerged in Lushan , is a class struggle, a continuation of the life-and-death struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat in the course of the socialist revolution in the past ten years." The titles such as "the party's establishment party" and "the bourgeoisie in the party" were crowned on their political opponents, and they proposed that class struggle "must be talked about every year, every month, and every day." In fact, this is not a proletarian class against the bourgeois struggle, but a power struggle in which totalitarian and autocratic rulers suppress democratic and free intellectuals and dissident forces within the party.

Li Si smiled, and he said to Nanshan Yun: I very much agree with your analysis, you explained it very thoroughly.

Nan Shanyun said: I'm sorry, I also read the analysis of some scholars on the Internet. I tell you this because I want to discuss with you whether we can use Mao's thinking to predict the future, and even use Lao Mao's thinking to change Chinese society. The masses have no real hunger for truth, and are deaf to evidence that is not to their taste... Whoever can furnish them with illusions can easily become their masters; whatever can disillusion them becomes their prey. Whoever has mastered the art of influencing the imagination of crowds has mastered the art of dominating them. Lao Mao was indeed a great man, his theory and practice surpassed any emperor, president or prime minister in the history of the world.

Li Si nodded and said: Whoever can control and control the number of people is justice. The will of the people cannot be violated, and those who win the hearts of the people will own the world, but the world will not belong to the people, but only to those who can control the people.