Wake up（141）

 

141

 

Nan Shanyun was obsessed with the study of rectification and anti-rightist movements. He sat at the computer desk and fell into deep thought. Nan Shanyun was sitting at the computer desk, and saw that he was concentrating on thinking about the rectification campaign, reflecting on the content of the anti-rightist movement, and typing on the keyboard quickly. In a short time, he listed some thinking questions for himself.

If you don't know the answer, you will forget it after looking at others for a while, but if you think it out by yourself, you will remember it firmly. People should believe that what they don't understand can always be understood, otherwise they won't think about it. Those who are good at thinking must be those who can pursue what can be most beneficial to mankind through actions based on their thinking.

Nan Shanyun believes that the greatest sorrow of all of us is play, because play most hinders our thinking and can cause us to die unconsciously. So, he firmly believes that learning knowledge should be good at thinking, thinking, and thinking again. He used this method to study the history of the rectification movement.

Nan Shanyun saw some sayings from the collected materials: Another reason for the sudden turn from the rectification movement to the anti-rightist movement was based on Mao Zedong's suspicious and fickle nature of blaming others or his tactics. According to Li Rui’s recollection during the Lushan Conference in 1959, Tian Jiaying, Mao’s secretary, discussed with him the most about Mao in private: “The chairman is capricious, some ideas change too quickly, and they are prone to repetition. Criticized. I also like other people to write self-criticisms, sometimes to achieve a certain purpose, even by unscrupulous means. Before the Anti-Rightist Movement, in order to encourage airing, I criticized the resistance from within the party. When I distributed a document (or talked with democrats) I raised The example of Tian Jiaying, deputy director of the Central Policy Research Office. Tian Jiaying said (to Li Rui), "There is no such thing, and I have never objected to the release of the song. This is disregarding the facts and making excuses. Such examples are not isolated. "

Li Rui also said that in Lushan, Mao Zedong asked him to talk with Zhou Xiaozhou and Zhou Hui on July 11, and they were relatively harmonious. He admitted that he was responsible for some things in 1958, such as advocating daring to think and do, and some were cranky, causing idealism. , so we cannot blame the subordinates and various departments entirely. Otherwise, people will complain like Jiang Gan, "Cao Ying's affairs are very difficult!"... Talking about him "I am always the opposite of myself, fighting each other in the first half of the night and the second half of the night." It seems to have the meaning of introspection. But within a few days, he opposed Peng Dehuai's "right opportunism".

In 1957, the sudden shift from encouraging music to the anti-rightist movement was the anticipation and planning of "leading snakes out of their holes".

Of course, Lao Mao wanted to use the double-hundred policy to expose the very small number of "rightists" in the democratic parties (especially the Democratic League and the Peasants' and Workers' Democratic Party). As mentioned above, it was indeed premeditated. However, it was only after writing the "Things Are Changing" on May 15th that the party's directive to carry out an overt conspiracy against the release of a large number of democratic intellectuals had this idea. It was unexpectedly discovered that things were not what he had expected, leading the masses to the high-level dissident forces that he wanted to repel; The "change" is actually a big change in his subjective estimation and strategy. People like Chu Anping dared to challenge the leadership of the party, and even insinuated that Mao Zedong was "a small intellectual leading a big intellectual", which directly violated the dignity and heart disease of the "Holy One", so he had to pretend to be "eat the Communist Party" for these people Intellectuals who are high-spirited, clearly "there is no skin left, and the hair will not be attached" but still boast that "scholars can be killed but not humiliated" can't be looked at at all!

According to the internal statistics released by the Democratic League Central Committee in 1961, the Democratic League has a total of 5,173 rightists, accounting for 15% of the total number of members of the Democratic League. There are a total of 61 members at the central level of the Democratic League, accounting for 33.6% of the total number of members of the Central Committee and alternate members of the Democratic League. )

As far as Tsinghua University's rectification campaign is concerned, Party Secretary and President Jiang Nanxiang and other leaders, until mid-May, only knew that the rectification campaign was going to be launched, but did not know what kind of conspiracy it was. Don't let go of the manual sounding.

After Mao Zedong wrote "Things Are Changing" and formally decided to fight against the Rightists, Lao Mao saw that Jiang Nanxiang was not doing enough to carry out his "public plot", so he sent one of his secretaries to Tsinghua University to pass on his "sacred edict", criticizing Tsinghua University for "not releasing enough ". Jiang Nanxiang hurriedly went to the broadcasting room of the student cafeteria in person on May 24, calling on all the teachers and students of the school to speak out. On that day, the first big-character poster appeared in Tsinghua University, and soon the big-character poster spread all over the school. On the 26th, 29 people from Peking University came to the school to join forces, and a free forum appeared.

When the anti-rightists first started, some cadres in Tsinghua University were not mentally prepared for such a 180-degree turn, and they even resisted it. They were not effective in "counterattacking the rightists". At this time, they were summoned to the municipal party committee in batches, and Liu Ren, the executive deputy secretary of the municipal party committee, came forward directly to do ideological work and mobilize the anti-rightist movement.

For those 90% of the Central Committee members who do not understand or oppose the "Double Hundred Policy" and the announcement, as well as local party and government officials below the provincial level, most of them are in favor of the anti-rightist policy. Because the democracy of the "Double Hundreds" threatened their traditional structure of "individuals have the final say"; the anti-rightist suppression was to maintain and consolidate the power and status of cadres at all levels (this is absolutely the same as the Cultural Revolution, which was only a big tree and Mao Zedong's monopoly. authority, but there is a big difference in attacking and depriving leading cadres at all levels and "capitalist roaders" of power), so there is basically little resistance and opposition. After the Party seized power, many cadres had the mentality that "those who conquer the world should sit in the world for granted." The so-called "there would be no new China without the Communist Party" was understood to mean that all resources in the country belonged to the Communist Party, and they must listen to the Communist Party, otherwise they would be anti-Party.

In fact, on the contrary, the Chinese Communist Party does not have independent party property, and its activities are not funded by party dues paid by party members, but are almost entirely drawn from the state treasury, so it is precisely the Communist Party that eats the food of the people and the country.

Those cadres who are unpopular and have been greatly impacted think that you intellectuals eat our food and dare to criticize us. When they heard the news that they were going to fight the right, they immediately turned from full of resentment to elation, as if they had been liberated, gearing up, ready to make meritorious service against the right, venting their hatred of being criticized and attacked during the rectification campaign. As a result, Peng Zhen also issued a warning: "Don't raise your tail higher than the telephone pole!"

"The rightists are shaking the sky", this is a well-known political term in China, but for the young Nan Shanyun, it was the first time he understood the true meaning of this sentence.

Confusion will not always exist, let alone disappear in life forever. When you are confused, you may wish to think deeply.

The more you read without thinking, you will feel that you know a lot; and the more you read and think, the more clearly you will see how little you know. Nan Shanyun is determined to continue studying those stories and histories that he did not know before.

When Nan Shanyun was studying, he also saw a memoir about Guo Daohui, editor-in-chief of Tsinghua University's "New Tsinghua". Grassroots cadres like Guo Daohui, who are ignorant of current affairs, resist Yang's conspiracy, and resist the anti-rightist movement, greatly shocked Nanshan Yun.

"New Tsinghua" editor-in-chief Guo Daohui wrote in his recollection article:

On June 7, the day before the Anti-Rightist Campaign, President Jiang Nanxiang asked me to talk to him at his home. Five other deputy secretaries were also present. They were the core leadership of the party committee. They brought me alone because the People's Daily was going to publish "Why Is This?" the next day. ” editorial, kicked off a massive anti-rightist tide. They asked the school magazine to follow up immediately, strive for the initiative, and turn to the counterattack against the "rightists".

Jiang Nanxiang said: "This release is a class struggle." He said that Qian Weichang and others' proposals such as "combining science and engineering schools" and "professors governing schools" are intended to seize the party's leadership over education. He Chengjun of the Department of Physics The professor said that "Chairman Mao's sun did not shine on the Tsinghua Garden." These are all right-wing remarks, and "New Tsinghua" should start to fight back.

However, Guo Daohui said, it was obvious that we mobilized the masses and mobilized the masses to help the party carry out the rectification movement. How did it suddenly become a class struggle? Although there were some people who posted reactionary slogans at the gate of the Second School, this was extremely rare, and it cannot be said that the entire movement was a class struggle. The remarks of professors such as Qian Weichang and He Chengjun may be one-sided and extreme, but this is a contradiction among the people, and it is an opinion on our work or on individual party members and cadres. At least they still support Mao Zedong, the "sun". Where is the party? I can't figure out how to call it anti-Party.

A deputy secretary retorted: "The party organization is composed of party members. How can there be a party organization and a party center without party members? Therefore, they oppose the party by opposing party members!" The secretaries took turns to speak, doing Guo Daohui's work, criticizing His views were debated from 10:00 am to 2:00 pm, even without lunch. I talked with Guo Daohui for 4 hours, but I couldn't get through.

In the end, Guo Daohui also clearly insisted on putting forward two opinions and a statement: one is that the rectification movement should not be characterized as class struggle; Only in this way can we show that our rectification movement is sincere and unite most of the middle masses; it should not be anti-rightist in the first place.

Guo Daohui's statement is: I reserve my opinion that Qian Weichang, He Chengjun and other professors are rightists. Guo Daohui said that during the "January 9th Movement", Qian Weichang rode a bicycle to Nanjing to appeal; He Chengjun was Yu Guangyuan's classmate and a pioneer of the People's Republic of China. After liberation, he also translated and published Engels' "Natural Dialectics". patriotic.

Guo Daohui also took the initiative to say that since I still can't figure it out, it is inappropriate to continue to lead the work of "New Tsinghua", and asked the party committee to send other comrades. On the spot, Nanxiang decided to put a deputy secretary directly in charge. Later, in the resolution that Guo Daohui was classified as a rightist, this sentence became "Guo Daohui actually praised the rightists as patriotic."

When Nan Shanyun was studying, he saw Guo Daohui, the editor-in-chief of "New Tsinghua", in a four-hour debate, one against six, which was quite like "combatting Confucianism with tongues". "Based on.

From this, Nan Shanyun believes that this also reflects to some extent that not everyone in the party is complicit in Mao Zedong's conspiracy.