Wake up（164）

 

164

 

Pan Guangfu said to the three elderly people who chatted with him, Chai Jianmin, He Jiafu, and Li Tiandao: "The meeting of 7,000 people held in early 1962 was the fuse to launch the Cultural Revolution. It quickly spread from the central government to the local areas. What benefits did the party, the country, and the people bring, on the contrary, it caused great turmoil across the country. Comrade Mao is also in a difficult situation.”

Faced with these unavoidable problems, Mao Zedong knew very well that tens of millions of people starved to death across the country, and the "Xinyang incident" occurred. In this way, almost all women wore white shoes, and even vicious incidents of "cannibalism" occurred, just like Liu Shaoqi It is said that in the feudal society of China, it is necessary to "submit a letter" and issue a "crime has been ordered". As the instigator of this series of huge disasters, as the supreme leader of the entire party, he undoubtedly bears the main responsibility that cannot be shirked. The question is, in what way and to what extent does he shoulder these responsibilities, what do other people in the party core think about his mistakes and responsibilities, and what do the leaders at all levels of the party think? Among these mistakes, Mao Zedong had no idea what people would think, how to do, and how to treat him.

But Mao Zedong was Mao Zedong after all. He does not want to cover up or cover up these sharp and unavoidable contradictions and problems, he does not want the Congress of Seven Thousand People to go through the motions in the direction of solving the so-called problems of decentralization and centralization, he does not want to deceive himself and others, he wants to completely solve these problems figure out. Of course, these thoughts of Mao Zedong probably became clear quickly after reading the first two parts of the draft report of the conference that was hastily sent to him for review before the meeting.

This report was drafted by Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, and a special drafting team was set up for this purpose. How to write this report? In fact, at the small central working meeting on December 20 before the congress, Mao Zedong set the tone for the congress, and of course he also set the tone for the report. What kind of tone is this? That is to say, the situation is basically good, mistakes are being corrected, and it is better than last year. The past experience and lessons mainly have a general line, but lack a complete set of specific policies. In other words, the correctness of the three red flags cannot be doubted; The central government should take responsibility first, followed by provincial, prefectural, and county committees.

It can be seen that according to this tone, the evil consequences caused by the experiment of the three red flags will not rise to the height of the wrong line, and Mao Zedong's supremacy in the party will not be shaken. This is the bottom line that Mao Zedong insisted on. As long as this bottom line is not broken, Mao Zedong will sooner or later prepare to retreat across the board. He not only wants the central government to bear the responsibility for the serious mistakes caused by the three red flags, but also prepares to bear the main responsibility. If he does not do this, he will not be able to If we continue to maintain the authority and prestige in the party, we will not be able to win the trust of the party members and grassroots cadres in the party. Mao Zedong is very clear about the pros and cons.

On the one hand, Mao Zedong blew the wind to the members of the Standing Committee, the Politburo, and the secretaries of the Provincial Party Committee, set the tone, and showed his "bottom line". He no longer worried that the conference report would go against the tone he set, and he no longer worried that the conference would deviate from the expected track.

Of course, in general, the report did not break through Mao Zedong's bottom line, and was drafted in accordance with Mao's tone, but there were some ambiguous inclinations in the consideration of some of the "key words", and some ambiguous intentions that were difficult to distinguish. Mao Zedong was surprised and disturbed. And all of this is related to Liu Shaoqi's "tough" attitude in presiding over the drafting of the report.

In the drafting of the report, Liu Shaoqi was uncharacteristically demanding many times that the report should "tell enough about the achievements and fully explain the shortcomings", emphasizing that "tell as much as possible about the mistakes and shortcomings of the past four years, speak freely, don't hesitate,...be vigorous Medicine", and pointed out that the mistakes of the four years were related to the excessive struggle within the party since the Lushan Conference in 1959, the lack of democratic life, and only criticizing the right but not the left. Liu Shaoqi's attitude was reflected in the first draft of the report, and there were the following "notes" that were not in harmony with Mao Zedong's "tune": For example, the achievements since the "Great Leap Forward" were not highlighted or mentioned separately; All since the "Great Leap Forward" and so on. According to Mao Zedong's keen political sense honed over the years of political struggle, although he could not find any obvious "big mistakes", he could smell the seriousness of the situation and had an ominous premonition of "fire in the backyard". Therefore, Mao Zedong decided to submit the report to the General Assembly for discussion.

Mao Zedong wanted Chen Yun to speak, and hoped that he would express his complete opinions, at least because of the following psychological factors:

First, although he was under a lot of pressure at the meeting, the tone set by the meeting did not depart from his general idea, that is, the economic situation has receded to the bottom and started to pick up. The most difficult period has passed, and the next We should formulate a 10-year plan and work hard. Although Mao Zedong was very confident about this basic estimate and general idea, he was not sure and was actually very unsteady. Therefore, he hoped that Chen Yun would speak and support his judgment and views. With the approval of the number one economic expert in the party, it was like a reassurance that he would be much more confident. At the same time, the more important thing is to be able to calm down those who disapprove or support him in the party and convince them;

Second, did Mao Zedong ever think that Chen Yun would disapprove of his judgment and ideas? Of course I have thought about it, and I must have sufficient mental preparation. Even so, Mao Zedong hoped that Chen Yun would express his objections without reservation. In fact, Liu Shaoqi, the number two figure in the party, had already embarrassed Mao Zedong with his speech, and another Chen Yun was nothing. If Chen Yun's objection was really justified, Mao Zedong could still adjust his thinking, correct his judgment, and take the initiative. In the past few years, Mao Zedong walked Maicheng on the general line of national economic work and left many lessons. He will never continue to be obsessed and follow Maicheng to the end.

Therefore, if Chen Yun really confides his true thoughts at the meeting, it is estimated that Mao Zedong will listen to his opinions and make some adjustments to the original general thinking on the premise of sticking to his own bottom line, instead of developing as later. Chen Yun didn't speak at the meeting, but actually revealed his thoughts at the Xilou meeting half a month later, and the tone was quite different from Mao Zedong's tone at the meeting of 7,000 people. As a result, Mao Zedong was very passive and very annoyed.

Third, no matter whether Chen Yun sings praises or sings an anti-tune, among the core, high-level and middle-level party cadres present at the meeting, some people will resonate and some people will oppose it. The division of lines and the balance of power between the two lines of thinking, two points of view, and two judgments within the party will appear in Mao Zedong's vision at a glance. This point is crucial to how Mao Zedong sticks to his bottom line, how to maintain his authority, how to adjust his strategy, and how to start the struggle within the party. However, Chen Yun refused to speak, which made Mao Zedong very surprised and uneasy. In the premonition that a new power game within the party is coming in the depths of his consciousness, Chen Yun's reticence to speak is a disturbing, confusing and even unpredictable blind spot and unknown.

But Mao Zedong's bottom line was broken by these top leaders of the CCP, and he was very angry.

醒悟（164）

 

164

 

潘光复对与他聊天的柴健民、何家福和李天道三位老人说：“1962年初召开的七千人大会是发动文化大革命的导火索。从中央高层很快波及到地方，这次大会没有给党、国家、人民带来什么好处，相反造成了全国大动乱。老毛同志也处于困境之中。”

面对这些无法回避的问题，毛泽东深知，全国饿死了上千万人，出现了“信阳事件”，这样妇女几乎人人穿白鞋、甚至出现“人相食”的恶性事件，正如刘少奇所说，在中国封建社会都是要“上书”的，下“罪已诏”的。作为这一系列巨大灾难的始作俑者，作为全党最高领袖，他无疑负有不可推卸主要责任。问题是，他以什么方式来承担这些责任，承担到什么程度，党的核心层中的其他人对他的错误和责任怎么看，党的各级负责人又是怎样想的，在“纠正”这些错误中，人们会怎样想，怎样做，怎样对待他，这些问题，毛泽东心里无底。

但毛泽东到底是毛泽东。他不想把这些尖锐的、不可回避的矛盾和问题遮着、掩着，他不想让七千人大会沿着解决所谓分散主义和集中统一问题的方向走过场，他不想自欺欺人，他要把这些问题彻底弄清楚。当然，毛泽东这些想法很可能是在看了会前急急匆匆送给他审阅的大会报告稿前两部分后迅速明晰起来的。

这个报告是由刘少奇、邓小平负责主持起草的，为此，还专门搭了一个起草班子。这个报告怎么写？其实在大会前12月20日的小型中央工作会议上，毛泽东就为大会定了调子，当然也为报告定了调子。这是一个什么样的调子呢？即形势基本是好的，错误都在改正，比去年好，过去的经验教训主要是有了总路线，但缺乏一整套完整的的具体政策，就是说，三面红旗的正确性不容怀疑；过去的错误中央要首先承担责任，其次是省委、地委、县委。

可见，按照这个调子，实验三面红旗引发的恶果不会上升到路线错误的高度，毛泽东在党内至高无上的地位也就无法动摇。这是毛泽东坚守的底线，只要不突破这个底线，毛泽东是迟早准备全线退却的，他不仅要让中央承担三面红旗造成严重失误的责任，而且自己也准备承担主要责任，不这样做，他就无法继续维持在党内的权威和威信，就无法继续取信于党内广大的党员和基层干部，个中利害，毛泽东是非常清楚的。

毛泽东一方面向常委、政治局委员、省委书记们吹了风，定了调子，亮出了自己的“底线”，另一方面准备进行最大限度的退却，主动承担责任，毛泽东自以为留足了回旋余地，他不再担心大会报告会违背自己定下的调子，也不再担心大会会脱离预想的轨道发展。

当然，总的看来，报告并没有突破毛泽东的底线，也是按照毛定的调子起草的，但其中一些“关键词”的斟酌上出现了某些模棱两可的倾斜，某些用意难辨的暧昧，使毛泽东感到意外和不安。而这一切，都和刘少奇在主持报告起草过程中的“强硬”态度有关。

在报告起草中，刘少奇一反常态，多次要求报告要“成绩讲够，缺点讲透”，强调对“四年的错误、缺点有多少讲多少，放开手讲，不要吞吞吐吐，……要下猛药”，并指出四年的错误和1959年庐山会议以来党内过火斗争、缺乏民主生活、只批右不批左有关。刘少奇的态度，反映在报告初稿上，就出现了如下几个和毛泽东的“调子”不和谐的“音符”：如对“大跃进”以来的成绩没有突出或单独讲；而讲错误、缺点几乎都是“大跃进”以来的等等。依毛泽东多年政治斗争磨练出来的敏锐的政治嗅觉，虽然也找不出什么明显的“大错”，但却嗅出了事态的严重，产生了“后院起火”的不祥的预感。于是，毛泽东决定把报告交由大会讨论。

毛泽东希望陈云讲话、希望他讲出自己完整的意见，至少有如下几个心理因素：

其一，尽管在大会上他承受了较大的压力，但大会定下的调子却没有离开他的总体思路，即经济形势已经退到谷底，并开始回升，最困难的时期已经过去，接下来应该制订一个10年规划，大干起来。对这个基本估计和总体思路，虽然毛泽东很有信心，但心里没有底，实际上是很不踏实。因此，他希望陈云讲话，支持他的判断和观点，有了党内一号经济专家的赞成，就如吃一颗定心丸，他的底气要足得多。同时，更重要的，是能镇住党内那些不赞成、不支持他的人，让他们心服口服；

其二，毛泽东有没有想过陈云会不赞成他的判断和思路？当然想过，而且肯定有充足的思想准备。即使这样，毛泽东也希望陈云把他的反对意见毫无保留地讲出来。其实作为党内的二号人物刘少奇的讲话已让毛泽东难堪了，再来一个陈云算不了什么。如果陈云的反对意见真有道理，毛泽东还可以调整自己的思路，修正自己的判断，还可以掌握主动权。几年来毛泽东在全国性经济工作的总路线上走了麦城，留下了诸多教训，他绝对不会继续执迷不悟，把麦城走到底。

因此，如果陈云在大会上真的把自己的真实想法和盘托出，估计毛泽东是会倾听他的意见，在坚守自己底线的前提下对原来的总体思路作一些调整，而不会像后来发展的那样，陈云在大会上不讲，竟在半个月后的西楼会议上把自己的思想和盘托出，且和毛泽东在七千人大会上定的调子大相径庭，结果把毛泽东搞得很被动，很恼火。

其三，无论陈云是唱赞歌，还是唱反调，在与会的党内核心层、高层和中层干部中都会引起一部分人的共鸣，一部分人的反对。党内两种思路、两种观点、两种判断的阵线分野、力量对比，就会一目了然地出现在毛泽东的视野里。这一点，对毛泽东如何坚守自己的底线、如何维护自己的权威、如何调整自己的策略，如何展开党内的斗争，是至关重要的。可是，陈云偏偏拒绝讲话，这使毛泽东感到非常意外，也忐忑不安。在他意识深处产生的党内一场新的权力博弈即将来临的预感中，陈云不讲话，是一个令人不安、扑朔迷离甚至高深莫测的盲点和未知数。

但是毛泽东的底线被这些中共高层领导人突破了，他非常愤怒。

Wake up（163）

 

163

 

Pan Guangfu told Chai Jianmin, He Jiafu and Li Tiandao about the events before the Cultural Revolution.

After the Lushan Conference in the summer of 1959, Mao Zedong continued to experiment with the evil results caused by the "three red flags" all the way, and it came to an end at the Seven Thousand People Conference in early 1962. The meeting of 7,000 people was held against the background that 20 million people starved to death across the country, the output of major products such as steel, grain, cotton, and coal, and various indicators of the national economy dropped sharply. The original intention of the Congress was to address the looming problem of famine. Such a central working conference, which extended the participants to county party committee secretaries and party secretaries of important factories and mines, must not only solve the problems of "decentralization" and "standardism" under the central government. Reflecting on the evil consequences caused by the "Three Red Flags", it must resolve the issue of who bears the responsibility for these serious evil consequences. At the same time, it must come up with a complete thinking and method to get rid of the predicament and seek development.

Liu Shaoqi told Soviet Ambassador Chervonenko in early 1961 that during the "Great Leap Forward" a total of 30 million people in China died abnormally. It's actually more than that. According to calculations by experts based on the demographic data of the past dynasties in China, there were about 38 million people who died abnormally at that time, and most of them died of starvation and exhaustion. Liu Shaoqi once said to Mao Zedong: "People can eat each other, and those who want to write a letter, one day, the great people of history must bear the most severe evaluation given by history and future generations."

Deng Xiaoping also said at a Central Work Conference in 1961: "In the past three years... natural disasters are not the main ones, man-made disasters are the main ones." People's communes, one-sided emphasis on 'one big and two public', eating from the same pot will bring catastrophe."

Yang Shangkun said in 1964: "On February 10, the central government decided that I would be the leader of the census leading group, with Zhou Rongxin and Xu Zirong as deputy leaders. At that time, the census was conducted without modern means, and the census items were relatively simple. The household registration management force of the public security department carried out. After several months of intensive work, the population data on July 1, 1964 was obtained: the population of the whole country (excluding Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan) was 694.58 million people, which was higher than the first population census The population at that time was 601.93 million, an increase of nearly 100 million. However, the census found that the national population at the end of 1960 was 662.07 million, about 10 million fewer than at the end of 1959, with a natural growth rate of -4.57‰, of which the natural growth rate below the county level It was -9.23‰. This is the first negative population growth since the founding of New China. Although the statistical methods were backward at that time and the statistical data could not be very accurate, it generally reflected the abnormal situation in some rural areas at that time due to various reasons. The death phenomenon is a situation worthy of attention. After the census data were collected, we reported to Mao Zedong. Mao Zedong smiled and said, I never believe your statistics."

Wan Li, former vice chairman of the National People's Congress, said on April 30, 1998: "The three-year difficult period after the People's Commune was established, edema and starvation were everywhere. It is known that the number of so-called abnormal deaths in Anhui Province alone was three to four hundred. Ten thousand. Freezing three feet is not a one-day cold, so many years of "leftism" in the past have almost wiped out the enthusiasm of farmers."

In the summer of 1960, Li Xiannian went to Guangshan County for an inspection. The car was blocked by hungry people all over the road and could not move.

Former Vice Premier of the State Council and Bo Yibo, who has been in charge of economic work for a long time, talked about the "Xinyang Incident" during the Great Famine in his "Review of Several Major Decisions and Events". Bo Yibo said: "According to the summary of relevant central departments, by the beginning of April 1959, only 15 provinces including Shandong, Anhui, Jiangsu, Henan, Hunan, Gansu, Guizhou, and Hebei had a population of 25.17 million without food." . "The "Three Difficult Period" experienced by our people from 1959 to 1961 was mainly caused by the "Great Leap Forward" People's Commune Movement and the "Anti-Rightist" struggle. Bad, edema disease is quite common, many rural areas have increased deaths due to starvation, according to statistics, the total population of the country decreased by more than 10 million in 1960. As a communist, I really feel ashamed of the common people when this kind of thing happened during the period of peace and construction. Never forget this painful lesson."

Tian Jiyun, former vice premier of the State Council and vice chairman of the National People's Congress, said in the article "Reviewing the Reform Course of China's Rural Areas": "Looking back at the three-year difficult period, there was swelling everywhere, people died of starvation, and the number of abnormal deaths reached tens of millions, which is higher than that of the entire democratic revolution. More people died during that time. What is the reason? Liu Shaoqi said that "three parts are natural disasters and seven parts are man-made disasters." Now, it is basically a man-made disaster. opportunism'."

But Mao Zedong completely disagreed with these statements of the central leadership. In 1961, when Mao Zedong received visiting French Socialist Party leader and later French President François Mitterrand, he said in response to rumors of a famine in China in the Western world, "I repeat, there is no famine in China."

Lao Mao was obviously lying. But many Westerners believed Mao's words.

醒悟（163）

 

163

 

潘光复对柴健民、何家福和李天道三个老人说起了文革前的那些事。

1959年夏天的庐山会议后毛泽东继续实验“三面红旗”一路造成的恶果，到1962年初的七千人大会上划上了一个句号。七千人大会是在全国饿死了两千万人、钢、粮、棉、煤等主要产品产量和国民经济各项指标急剧下降的背景下召开的。大会的初衷是解决迫在眉睫的饥荒问题。这样一个将与会者延伸至县委书记和各重要厂矿企业的党委书记的中央工作会议，所要解决的决不仅仅是中央下面的“分散主义”和“本位主义”问题，它必须对几年来实践“三面红旗”造成的恶果进行反思，它必须解决这些严重恶果的责任由谁承担的问题，同时它还必须拿出一个摆脱困境、寻求发展的完整的思路和办法来。

刘少奇在1961年初曾告诉苏联大使契尔沃年科说，“大跃进”期间共中国有三千万人非正常死亡。事实上比这还多。专家根据中国历代人口统计资料测算的结果表明，当时非正常死亡的人口大约有三千八百万，其中主要是饿死、累死的。刘少奇还曾对毛泽东说：“人相食，要上书的，总有一天，历史的伟人们，必须承受历史和后代给予的最严厉的评价”

邓小平在1961年的一次中央工作会议上也曾说：“三年来……天灾不是主要的，人祸是主要的。”他在1985年又说：“1958年‘大跃进’，一哄而起搞人民公社化，片面强调‘一大二公’，吃大锅饭，带来大灾难。”

杨尚昆在1964年曾说：“2月10日，中央决定我为人口普查领导小组组长，周荣鑫、徐子荣为副组长。那时进行人口普查，没有现代化手段，普查项目也比较简单，主要依托公安部门的户籍管理力量进行。经过几个月的紧张工作，取得了1964年7 月1日的人口数据：全国(不包括港、澳、台)人口为6.9458亿人，比第一次人口普查时的6.0193亿人增加了近1亿人。但是在普查中发现，1960年底全国人口为6.6207亿人，比1959年底减少约1000万人，自然增长率为-4.57‰，其中县以下自然增长率为-9.23‰。这是自新中国成立以来第一次出现人口负增长。尽管当时统计手段落后，统计数据不可能十分准确，但却大体上反映了那时部分农村由于各种原因发生的非正常死亡现象，是一个很值得重视的情况。人口普查各项数据汇总后，我们向毛泽东作了汇报。毛泽东淡淡一笑说，我从来不相信你们的那些统计数字。”

　　前人大副委员长万里1998年4月30日说： “人民公社化后发生的三年困难时期，到处浮肿病，饿死人。据了解，光安徽省的所谓非正常死亡人口就三四百万。冰冻三尺，非一日之寒，过去‘左’了那么多年，几乎把农民的积极性打击完了。”

　　1960年夏李先念到光山县视察，小车被满路的饿殍挡住无法开动，李先念禁不住泪流满面，当年西路军战死17000多人，他都没有流泪，眼前的情景实在是闻所未闻，惨绝人寰!

　　前国务院副总理、长期负责经济工作的薄一波在其《若干重大决策与事件的回顾》中谈到了大饥荒年代的“信阳事件”。薄一波说：“据中央有关部门汇总，到1959年4月初，仅山东、安徽、江苏、河南、湖南、甘肃、贵州、河北等十五个省区，无饭吃的人口达2517万”。“我国人民所经历的1959—1961年‘三年困难时期’，主要是‘大跃进’人民公社化运动和‘反右倾’斗争造成的。在三年困难时期，全国广大人民因食物缺乏、营养不良，相当普遍地发生浮肿病，不少农村因饥馑死亡增加，据统计，1960年全国总人口减少1000多万。在和平建设时期发生这种事情，我作为共产党人实在是愧对百姓，应该永志不忘这沉痛的教训”。

　　前国务院副总理、人大副委员长田纪云在《回顾中国农村改革历程》一文中说：“回顾三年困难时期，到处闹浮肿，饿死人，非正常死亡人口达数千万，比整个民主革命时期死的人还要多。是什么原因?刘少奇说‘三分天灾，七分人祸’，现在看基本上是人祸，这个‘人祸’就是瞎指挥，就是乌托邦式的空想社会主义，就是‘左倾机会主义’。”

但是毛泽东完全不同意这些中央领导层的说法。1961年，毛泽东在接待来访的法国社会党领袖后来的法国总统密特朗时，针对西方世界有关中国发生大饥荒的传言说，“我再重复说一遍，中国没有饥荒。”

老毛显然是在撒谎。但许多西方人对毛的这番话信以为真。

 

Wake up（162）

162

 

Pan Guangfu smiled wryly and said to the three elderly people in front of him, Chai Jianmin, He Jiafu and Li Tiandao: During the Cultural Revolution, I was involved in a cruel political movement, and what I got was fatal bad luck. My father, Pan Renshu, had an even worse fate.

Pan Guangfu said, I still remember Chairman Mao Zedong's exposition on "May 7th" and the "three strikes" policy announced by Lin Biao to cadres during the Cultural Revolution: Dismissal from office for opposing Mao Zedong Thought; Dismissal from office for disrupting political and ideological work; Dismissal at all Enthusiastically dismissed from office. He said that one group should be dismissed, one group should be promoted, and one group should be kept.

Pan Guangfu talked about the past events his father told him:

At the turn of spring and summer in 1966, Lin Biao approved the Nanjing Military Region to reclaim the West Lake in Huoqiu County, Anhui Province. The Nanjing Military Region invested a lot of manpower, material and financial resources in reclamation of this farm. One division of the 178th Infantry Division of the 60th Group Army drove in, the 83rd Regiment of the Engineering Corps Pontoon Bridge drove in, 100,000 migrant workers drove in, and a large number of construction materials, military supplies, and food drove in. Commander Xu Shiyou personally took the command, and the Nanjing Military Region Command, Political Department, and Logistics Department went all out. The reclamation project is going on vigorously. The logistics and transportation department of the Nanjing Military Region was ordered to mobilize a large number of various vehicles for the West Lake Farm in the development city, supplying a large amount of fuel and equipment, which were not controlled by standards and responded to requests. No expense was spared. After nearly 10 years of hard work and painstaking efforts, Chengxihu Farm is still unable to support itself and is still losing money.

Chengxi Lake is located in the west of Huoqiu County, Anhui Province, on the south bank of the main stream of the Huaihe River. It is the largest natural lake flood storage area in the middle reaches of the Huaihe River, with an annual water storage area of 140 square kilometers (210,000 mu). When the Huaihe River was governed in 1951, the state listed Chengxi Lake as one of the key lake flood storage areas in the middle reaches of the Huaihe River. The design control water level is 26.5 meters, and the water storage is 2.95 billion cubic meters. It can not only store floods, irrigate, breed, and ship, but also protect Huaibei Levee, coal mines on both sides of the river, power plants, and Jinpu Railway from flooding.

However, in 1966, Lin Biao approved the Nanjing Military Region to reclaim the city's West Lake, and reported to Mao Zedong for important instructions, namely the "May 7th" instruction. After that, the situation changed.

Pan Guangfu said that now the media have reported those events in detail:

In October 1966, the Reclamation Headquarters was established and 100,000 migrant workers were mobilized to build embankments. Since then, the bottom of the lake, which used to be the lowest, has become a "good field" for Junwei. 110 square kilometers of the lowest-lying water storage area of Chengxi Lake were reclaimed, reducing the original water storage area of 140 square kilometers to 30 square kilometers. Due to the reduction of the water capacity of the lake, the incoming water in an area of more than 1,700 square kilometers in the surrounding area was forced to a high place, and the fertile land along the lake, which was originally protected by drought and flood, became a new submerged area, and the local people had great opinions. The masses said: "Surround the bottom of the pot and flood the platform of the pot." Every rainy season, the flood hits the "pot platform" and cannot enter the "bottom of the pot". A large area of farmland outside the polder was flooded and damaged.

From August 5th to August 8th, 1975, Zhumadian, Xuchang, and Nanyang areas in Henan Province, located in the Funiu Mountains and Tongbai Mountains in the upper reaches of the Huaihe River, suffered consecutive torrential rains and flash floods. 56 large, medium and small reservoirs were almost simultaneously When the dam collapsed, billions of cubic meters of floods rushed down, resulting in vast oceans in Henan and Anhui along the Huaihe River, causing huge losses in people's lives and property. According to statistics, 32 counties, 347 communes and 18 million mu of arable land were flooded in Henan. The population of the affected area was 10 million, and more than 30,000 people died. Nearly one million large livestock died and more than 5 million houses collapsed. The flood destroyed the 103-kilometer section from Xiaoshangqiao to Queshan County on the Beijing-Guangzhou line of the railway artery. All the bridges were destroyed, the rails were washed away, and some were twisted into "twists". A passenger train traveling here was overturned by the sudden huge flood. The driver and passengers could not escape and were all drowned in the compartment. Anhui Province was mainly affected by the disaster in 6 counties in Fuyang area, with more than 3 million mu of arable land and a population of 1.5 million. After the disaster, the Party Central Committee and the State Council sent a condolence team headed by Ji Dengkui to deal with the aftermath, but they were not allowed to make public reports. Ji Dengkui said: "The loss of people's lives and properties caused by the collapse of two large reservoirs and so many small and medium-sized reservoirs is equivalent to a small atomic bomb."

"Only Chengxi Lake is special." After more than two days of intense embankment breaking, all the flood storage areas on both sides of the Huaihe River have diverted the flood water. This time when the flood came, for the benefit of the people, it is logical that the West Lake should break the embankment to store the flood. However, the relevant leaders of Anhui Province who came to direct the breaking of the embankment said: "Chengxi Lake is now owned by the army and managed by the Central Military Commission. It is the birthplace of the 'May 7th Directive' and is not under the jurisdiction of the province. We have no right to decide, and we have no such As a result, Chengxi Lake, the largest flood storage area along the Huaihe River, was preserved without broken polders or water storage. However, the lives and properties of the people along the lake were not “preserved”.

Two years later, Wan Li became the first secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee. He inspected Chengxi Lake twice. But in the end, because it involved the Nanjing Military Region, as well as the Central Military Commission and Chairman Mao's "May 7th Instructions", it could not be resolved.

In 1986, the disaster caused by the reclamation of Chengxi Lake became an internal reference. At this time, Wan Li, who was already a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, a vice premier, and a secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee, was deeply moved when he saw this internal reference, and he attached great importance to it. On the same day, that is, April 14, 1986, an instruction was issued: "All the troops here should withdraw and be dealt with by the local government. However, from the time I personally dealt with it to Comrade Ziyang's personal inspection last year and put forward suggestions on how to deal with it, nothing has been effective. It has been several In 2010, it seems that this matter can only be done under the instructions of Comrade Deng Xiaoping. I am pleading for the people." On April 18, Deng Xiaoping issued a clear instruction: "Comrade Shang Kun is requested to deal with it, and the reclamation troops should be withdrawn quickly within a time limit. These troops, if there is no other way to resettle them, can be demobilized." So far, Chengxi Lake has stopped farming and returned to the lake, which has been warmly welcomed by the broad masses of farmers.

Neither the secretary of the provincial party committee nor the general secretary of the party can do anything about Chengxi Lake, a military reclamation farm managed by the Nanjing Military Region, knowing that it is harmful to the people. In the end, Comrade Wan Li, the leader of the party and the country, issued an appeal to Deng Xiaoping to "plead for the people" in desperation. Afterwards, Deng Xiaoping drew a pen and ordered the withdrawal of troops, return of lakes and fields, and then the problem was solved.

Pan Guangfu said to the three elders Chai Jianmin, He Jiafu and Li Tiandao in front of him: My father Pan Renshu experienced that period of history, but these were not his worst days. The worst time was spent during the Cultural Revolution. 

醒悟（162）

 

162

 

潘光复苦笑着对眼前的柴健民、何家福和李天道三个老人说道：文革中我被卷入了残酷的政治运动，收获的是致命的恶运。我的父亲潘仁书则命运更惨。

潘光复说，我还记得毛泽东主席关于“五·七”的论述，还有在文革中林彪对干部宣布的“三罢”政策：反对毛泽东思想的罢官；同政治思想工作捣乱的罢官；完全没有干劲的罢官。他说，要罢一批，升一批，保一批。

潘光复说起了他父亲曾经给他讲述过的那些往事：

1966年春夏之交，林彪批准南京军区围垦安徽霍丘县城西湖。南京军区为围垦这个农场，投入了大批人力、物力和财力。第60集团军步兵178师一个师开进去了，工程兵舟桥第83团开进去了，10万农民工开进去了，大批建筑材料、军需品、粮食开进去了。许世友司令员亲自坐镇指挥，南京军区司令部、政治部、后勤部全力以赴。围垦工程轰轰烈烈进行着。南京军区   后勤运输部奉命为开发城西湖农场调集了大批各种车辆，供应大量油料、器材，不受标准控制，有求必应。可谓不惜一切代价。经过近10年的艰苦奋斗，苦心经营，城西湖农场仍不能自给，还是亏本。

城西湖位于安徽省霍丘县城西面，淮河干流南岸，是淮河中游最大的天然湖泊蓄洪区，常年蓄水区域面积140平方公里（21万亩）。1951年治淮时，国家把城西湖列为淮河中游的重点湖泊蓄洪区之一。设计控制水位为26.5米，蓄水29.5亿立方米。这里不仅可以蓄洪、灌溉、养殖、航运，而且可以使淮北大堤、两岸煤矿、电厂及津浦铁路免遭水害。

然而，1966年林彪批准南京军区围垦城西湖，并上报给毛泽东作了重要批示，即“五·七”指示，之后情况改变了。

潘光复说，现在已有媒体详细地讲述了当年的那些事：

1966年10月成立围垦指挥部，动员10万民工建起了围堤。从此，原来最低洼的湖底，变成了军圩的“良田”。围垦了城西湖最低洼的蓄水区110平方公里，使原来蓄水面积140平方公里，缩减为30平方公里。由于湖水容量减少，把四周1700多平方公里面积的来水逼到高处，使原来沿湖旱涝保收的良田成了新的淹没区，当地群众意见很大。群众说：“围了锅底子，淹了锅台子”。每到雨季洪水上了“锅台”，进不了“锅底”。使圩围外的大面积农田被淹受损。

1975年8月5日至8月8日，地处淮河上游的伏牛山和桐柏山区的河南省驻马店、许昌、南阳地区，连降特大暴雨，山洪暴发，56座大中小型水库，几乎同时垮坝，几十亿立方洪水汹涌而下，致使河南、安徽沿淮地区，千里平原一片汪洋，人民生命财产遭受巨大损失。据统计，河南受淹的有32个县，347个公社，耕地1800万亩。受灾地区人口1000万，死亡3万多。大牲畜死亡近百万头，倒塌房屋500多万间。洪水冲毁铁路大动脉京广线小商桥至确山县段103公里。桥梁全部被毁，路轨被冲走，有的被拧成“麻花”。正在行驶到这里的一列客车被突如其来的巨大洪水冲翻，司机和乘客无法逃脱，全部被淹死在车厢内。安徽省受灾主要是阜阳地区6个县，耕地300多万亩，人口150万。灾情发生之后，党中央、国务院派纪登奎为首的慰问团处理善后工作，但不准做公开报道。纪登奎说：“二个大型水库和那么多中小型水库垮坝，所造成的人民生命财产损失，相当于一颗小型原子弹”。

“唯有城西湖特殊”。经过二天多的紧张破堤，淮河两岸所有的蓄洪区都分洪了，绝大部分蓄洪区都破堤蓄洪了，唯有“城西湖”没有破堤，没有分洪蓄水。这次洪水到来，为了人民的利益，按理城西湖应该破堤蓄洪的。但前来指挥破堤的安徽省有关领导说：“城西湖现在是部队的，中央军委管的，是‘五七指示’的发源地，不属省里管辖。我们无权决定，也没有这个任务。于是，城西湖这个淮河边上最大的蓄洪区没有破圩，没有蓄水，被保留下来了。但是，沿湖两岸的人民生命财产却没有得到“保留”。

两年以后，万里出任安徽省委第一书记，他两次考察城西湖，群众对此反映很大，迫切要求退田还湖。但终因涉及到南京军区，以至中央军委、毛主席的“五七指示”，没有能够得到解决。

1986年，城西湖围垦造成灾害的事上了内参。这时已是中央政治局委员、副总理、中央书记处书记的万里，看到这篇内参，深有感触，十分重视。当天，也就是1986年4月14日作了批示：“此地军队应全部撤出，由地方处理。但，从我亲自处理到紫阳同志去年亲自视察提出处理意见后，均未见效。时已几年，看来此事只有小平同志批示才行。特为民请命”。4月18日，邓小平做了明确批示：“请尚昆同志处理，围垦部队应迅速限期撤出。这些部队，如无其他方法安置，可做复员处理”。至此，城西湖才停耕还湖，受到广大农民群众的热烈欢迎。

省委书记也好，党的总书记也好，对城西湖这块属于南京军区管理的军垦农场，明知其有害于民，但都无能为力。最后，党和国家的领导人万里同志，在无可奈何的情况下，向邓小平发出“为民请命”的呼吁。之后，邓小平一枝笔，下令撤军，还湖退田，才算解决问题。

潘光复对眼前的柴健民、何家福和李天道三个老人说道：我的父亲潘仁书经历了那段历史，但这还不是他最悲惨的日子，更惨的光阴是在文革中度过的。

Wake up（161）

 

 

Chapter 31 Bottom Line

 

161

 

Pan Guangfu accompanied Chai Jianmin to He Jiafu's house and met Li Tiandao. Mainly to say goodbye before going to Hong Kong.

Chai Jianmin chatted with He Jiafu and Li Tiandao about the Cultural Revolution again. They talked about Pan Guangfu's father, Pan Renshu. Pan Renshu was an old comrade-in-arms of He Jiafu and Chai Jianhua during the Republic of China. The difference between Pan Renshu and He Jiafu and Chai Jianhua is that he joined the People's Liberation Army and made military exploits during the civil war.

When Pan Guangfu talked about his father Pan Renshu, he recalled Pan Renshu's experience in the Cultural Revolution.

On July 18, 1966, Mao Zedong left Wuhan and returned to Beijing to direct the "Cultural Revolution".

From August 1 to 12, 1966, Mao Zedong presided over the Eleventh Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. On August 5, he wrote "Bombarding the Headquarters——One of My Big-Character Posters".

On August 12, the Plenary Session of the Central Committee closed. The Plenary Session re-elected the leadership of the Party Central Committee, and elected Mao Zedong, Lin Biao, Zhou Enlai, Tao Zhu, Chen Boda, Deng Xiaoping, Kang Sheng, Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De, Li Fuchun, and Chen Yun as members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee. Lin Biao ranked second and became Mao Zedong's successor. Although Liu Shaoqi still remains a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, he has dropped to eighth place.

From October 9th to 28th, 1966, Mao Zedong presided over the work conference of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. During the conference, he delivered many speeches. In a speech, he criticized Deng Xiaoping, saying, "Deng Xiaoping is deaf, and he sits far away from me when we have a meeting. Since 1959, he has not reported to me for 6 years. Deng Xiaoping respects me at a respectful distance." As soon as this remark came out, Deng Xiaoping collapsed, and the "Liu-Deng line" was uncovered.

This year, Mao Zedong just passed his 70th birthday. He said, "I have a gentleman's agreement with my doctor; I will not seek you when I am not sick, and you will not seek me. I said that I will not seek him for a year, and it is a great contribution to him." The energetic Mao Zedong thought day and night that he wanted to do the second most important thing in his life. He said, "The representatives of the bourgeoisie who are mixed in the party, the government, the army, and various cultural circles are a group of counter-revolutionary revisionists. Some of these figures have been seen through by us, some have not been seen through, and some They are being trusted by us and are being groomed as our successors. People like Khrushchev are now sleeping next to us."

The mountain rain is about to come and the wind is all over the building. A hurricane is about to come to this land of China, and a huge torrent is about to erupt. Thunder and lightning roared, and wind and rain mixed together. The hearts of the people of all nationalities across the country have been seized, and they are in a state of fear and fear, not knowing what to do, and at a loss.

On November 13, 1966, the Beijing Workers' Stadium held a meeting of personnel from military academies and cultural and sports units coming to Beijing. At the meeting, the veterans fought resolutely against the erroneous practices of the "Cultural Revolution".

Chen Yi said, "The People's Liberation Army cannot be chaotic, it must be orderly."

Xu Xiangqian said, "Our People's Liberation Army, Navy, Army, and Air Force are always in a state of combat, and we will be able to move as soon as we give an order." Ye Jianying said, "Some cadres have suffered a heart attack and collapsed, and they still want to fight against others. I am very indignant about this! These people have no feelings for the proletariat, and they are not proletarian soldiers" (Note: Heart attack The following refers to Qiu Huizuo, Minister of the General Logistics Department).

On the eve of the storm, the Chinese People's Liberation Army was regarded as the "Great Wall" by Comrade Mao Zedong. This army is infinitely loyal to the party, to the people, and to Comrade Mao Zedong. This army escorted the "Cultural Revolution".

Pan Guangfu's father, Pan Renshu, was working in the Logistics Department of the Nanjing Military Region at that time. All the cadres, soldiers, and civilian staff of the Logistics Department worked as usual under the leadership of the Military Region Party Committee and the Logistics Party Committee. Although they were astonished and perplexed by the situation at that time and what happened, Pan Renshu and his comrades kept it in their hearts, and they did not show their expressions or dare to discuss it. According to the regulations of the General Political Department, every morning to work and afternoon to study, and only to read newspapers, and not to organize discussions. Pan Renshu said that this method of political learning is called "positive education". However, the military does not live in a vacuum, it is not transcendent. Every move of the society and the country must be reflected in the army.

The family members and children of the army have already mobilized. Those who participated in the Red Guards, those who participated in the Great Criticism, and those who participated in the Great Alliance, all strongly shocked this people's army. Members of the army must respond to this unprecedented event, which is independent of human will.

Pan Renshu and his comrades were still involved in this political movement, and even Pan Guangfu, the sons of soldiers, were the same.

In the past few years, our young people seem to have been creating new words, from "Buddha" to "mourning", from "roll" to "lying", the degree is getting deeper and deeper. Recently, a "Master of Lying Flat Learning" was born, and successfully pushed "Lying Flat Learning" out of the circle, setting off a huge wave.

A netizen named "Well-intentioned Tourist" published a post titled "Lying flat is justice", and his words were full of philosophical thoughts. He said, "Lying flat is my wise man's sport. Only lying flat is the measure of all things." According to this netizen's sharing, he has no fixed job in the past two years, does not work, eats two meals a day, and spends 200+ a month , Go fishing, swimming, and exercising when you have nothing to do.

The master of lying down chooses a slow-paced, low-desire, and return-to-self life of lying down to fight against this society. Young people are carnivaling: "As long as I lie down fast enough, capital will not be able to exploit me", "Society is sinister, it is respectful to lie down first", "Lie down is a non-violent non-cooperation movement for young people". For a time, "Lie Flat Learning" became popular all over the Internet.

Pan Guangfu said, "The people who lie flat" think: "Why do you want to find some excitement for an existence that is obviously meaningless?"

But as much as the back waves admire, the former waves will respond as much. In this Chinese nation that promotes the traditional virtues of industriousness, in the ardent expectations of the front waves for the back waves, what kind of philosophy is lying flat, at best, it is lazy, cowardly, self-motivated, and poisonous chicken soup. The Chinese nation is a fighting nation. Ever since, we have also seen the Chinese party media vigorously condemning: it is shameful to lie flat.

Pan Guangfu said with a sigh, in fact, the "Lieping Learning" was not invented just now. During the Cultural Revolution, in addition to the rebels and conservatives, there were also a large number of "laying flat people". These "laying flat people" were called the peripatetic faction at the time, that is, the social group that stayed away from politics and did not care about state affairs. Of course, these people have also been vigorously condemned by the party media. I don't agree with the free and unfettered school's lying down. A good man should have ideals and achievements, be brave to take responsibility, and dare to fight. As a result, I was drawn into a brutal political campaign that, like my father, met with the same fatal fate.

Pan Guangfu smiled bitterly and said to the old man in front of him: I didn't expect history to make a joke. I, a radical in those days, have now been reduced to the group of "laying flat".

醒悟（161）

 

第31章 底线

 

161

 

潘光复陪同柴健民去何家福家并见到了和李天道。主要是去香港前话别。

柴健民与何家福和李天道又聊起了文革中的事。谈到了潘光复的父亲潘仁书那些事。潘仁书是何家福和柴健华民国时的老战友。潘仁书与何家福和柴健华不同的是参加了解放军，在内战时也曾立过战功。

潘光复谈到自己的父亲潘仁书时，追忆了潘仁书在文革中的经历。

1966年7月18日，毛泽东离开武汉，回到北京，开始直接指挥“文化大革命”。

1966年8月1日至12日，毛泽东主持召开了党的八届十一中全会。8月5日他写了《炮打司令部——我的一张大字报》。

8月12日中央全会闭幕，全会改选了党中央领导机构，选出毛泽东、林彪、周恩来、陶铸、陈伯达、邓小平、康生、刘少奇、朱德、李富春、陈云为中央政治局常务委员。林彪名列第二，成了毛泽东的接班人。刘少奇虽然还保留了政治局常委，但已下降到第八位了。

1966年10月9日至28日，毛泽东主持召开中共中央工作会议，在会议期间，他发表了多次讲话。在一次讲话中，他批评了邓小平，说，“邓小平耳朵聋，一开会就在离我很远的地方坐着。1959年以来，6年不向我汇报工作。邓小平对我是敬而远之的”。此言一出，邓小平就倒了，“刘邓路线”被揪出来了。

这一年，毛泽东刚过70岁生日。他说，“我同我的医生有一个君子协定；我不发病时不找你，你也不找我。我说一年不找他，算他功劳大”。精力充沛的毛泽东朝思暮想，他要在他的一生中，做第二件大事。他说，“混在党里、政府里、军队里和各种文化界的资产阶级代表人物，是一批反革命的修正主义分子。这些人物有些已被我们识破了，有些则还没有被识破，有些正在受到我们信任，被培养为我们的接班人。例如赫鲁晓夫那样的人物，他们现在睡在我们身旁”。

山雨欲来风满楼。一场狂飙飓风就要来临这块神州大地了，巨大的山洪就要爆发了。雷电轰鸣，风雨交加。全国各族人民的心被揪起来了，诚惶诚恐，不知所以，不知所措。

1966年11月13日，北京工人体育场召开军队院校和文体单位来京人员大会。在会上，老帅们对“文化大革命”的错误做法进行了坚决的斗争。

陈毅说，“人民解放军不能乱，一定要有秩序”。

徐向前说，“我们解放军、海军、陆军、空军，随时保持战斗状态，一声令下，就要开得动”。叶剑英说，“有的干部心脏病都发了，倒下了，还要抓人家斗，对这件事我很愤慨！这些人没有无产阶级的感情，不是无产阶级军人”（按：心脏病倒下指总后勤部部长邱会作）。

在暴风骤雨来临的前夜，中国人民解放军被毛泽东同志看做“长城”。这支军队无限忠于党忠于人民忠于毛泽东同志。这支军队为“文化大革命”保驾护航。

潘光复的父亲潘仁书那时在南京军区后勤部任职，后勤部全体干部、战士、文职人员，在军区党委、后勤党委领导下，照常工作。虽然对当时形势，对所发生的一切，感到惊愕和迷惘，但潘仁书和战友们都放在心里，不露声色，也不敢议论。总政治部规定，每天上午工作，下午学习，也仅限于读读报纸，读完拉倒，不组织讨论。潘仁书说，这种政治学习的方式，叫做“正面教育”。然而，军队不是生活在真空世界里，它不是超然的。社会的，国家的一举一动都必然要反映到军队里来。

军队的家属和子女都已经动了起来，参加红卫兵的，参加大批判的，参加大串联的，都强烈地震撼着这支人民子弟兵。军队的成员对这一史无前例的大事件，必然要做出反应，这是不以人的意志为转移的。

潘仁书和战友们还是卷入了这场政治运动，就连潘光复这些军人子弟，也同样如此。

这几年，我们的年青人好像一直在造新词，从“佛”到“丧”，从“卷”到“躺”，程度一个比一个深。最近，一位“躺平学大师”横空出世，成功将“躺平学”推出圈，掀开一股滔天巨浪。

有个网友“好心的旅游家”发表帖子《躺平即是正义》，言语间充满了哲思。他说“躺平就是我的智者运动，只有躺平，人才是万物的尺度。” 据这位网友的分享，他近两年没有固定工作，不劳动，一天两餐，一个月花销200+，没事就去钓鱼、游泳、锻炼。

躺平学大师选择慢节奏、低欲望、回归本我的躺平生活来对抗这个社会，“躺平才是宇宙客观的唯一真理”，“选择躺平，不再恐惧”。年轻人们在狂欢：“只要我躺得够快，资本就剥削不到我”、“社会险恶，先躺为敬”、“躺平是年轻人的非暴力不合作运动”。一时间，“躺平学”风靡全网。

潘光复说，“躺平者”认为：“为什么要给明明毫无意义的存在找一些亢奋呢？”

但后浪有多推崇，前浪们就有多膈应。在这个以弘扬勤劳传统美德的中华民族，在前浪对后浪的殷切期望中，躺平算哪门子哲学，充其量就是懒惰、怯懦、不求上进、毒鸡汤。中华民族是个战斗民族。于是乎，我们也看到了中国党媒大力挞伐：躺平可耻。

潘光复感叹地说道，其实“躺平学”不是现在才发明的。文革中除了造反派和保守派，还有一大批的“躺平者”，这些“躺平者”，在当时被称为逍遥派，也就是远离政治，不问国家大事的那个社会群体。这些人当然也受到了党媒大力挞伐。我不赞成逍遥派的躺平，好男儿应该有理想有作为，勇于担当，敢于斗争。结果呢，我被卷入了残酷的政治运动，与我的父亲一样，收获的是致命的恶运。

潘光复苦笑着对眼前的老人说道：没想到历史开了个玩笑，我这个当年的激进派分子现在也沦落到“躺平者”的群体中了。

Wake up（160）

 

160

 

In contemporary China, there is a special group, that is, the group of puppies that are rare in the world. This group of bastards live in the lowest strata of New China, and they are the most humble and discriminated generation.

  In the eyes of "puppies", the past is not as good as smoke. The past is an eternal pain. This is not only the rightists back then, but also the "dog bastards" back then. Pan Guangfu had this feeling.

How to understand China's puppies group? This is a university question. As soon as a person enters a group, his IQ drops severely. In order to gain recognition, individuals are willing to abandon right and wrong, and exchange their IQ for the sense of belonging that makes people feel safe. However, once the individual becomes a member of the group, he is no longer responsible for his actions, and each person reveals a side that he is not bound by. Crowds have never pursued and believed in truth and rationality, but blind obedience, cruelty, paranoia and fanaticism, and only know simple and extreme emotions. In the eternal conflict with reason, emotion has never lost its hand. Quantity is justice.

The puppies live at the lowest level in New China, and they are the most humble generation who are discriminated against by society. This special group is almost the same age as the Republic, and has experienced almost all political movements. If you want to understand the rare group of puppies in the world, you have to go back to the famous Beijing No. 4 Middle School. That is one of the important birthplaces of the Chinese Goblins.

The stories about the No. 4 Middle School can be found in the online articles published by the EK and Zhan brothers in the Internet rumors. Amazing connection.

Why is Beijing No. 4 Middle School awesome? Let’s just talk about Chairman Jiang, the old No. 1 middle school. When he inspected the Fourth Middle School in 1995, he couldn’t help sighing: “I’ve heard the name for a long time, and I’m so lucky to be here.” Peking University, Fudan University, Nankai University, famous schools in Europe and America, famous people from famous schools, a lot of celebrities in politics, business, academia, and film and television circles.

When Grandpa Jiang was the deputy director of the Electrical Appliance Research Institute of the Ministry of First Machinery in Beijing, he would not have known that No. 4 Middle School is the middle school with the most children of the second-generation red officials at the national level, such as Liu Shaoqi's son Liu Yuanyuan (later renamed Liu Yuan) and Lin Biao's son. Lin Liguo (nickname Tiger, only three characters less than Lin Biao's "Biao"), but according to the alumni of the Fourth Middle School, Lin Liguo is taciturn, and usually only talks to An Minzeng (son of An Ziwen, head of the Central Organization Department) in the same grade. People would think that he later became the deputy chief of operations of the Air Force Command and directly planned and directed the "May 71 Project" (armed uprising).

Before the Cultural Revolution broke out in 1966, the second-generation high-ranking cadres of the No. 4 Middle School were all well-nourished, relatively strong, and taller than ordinary teenagers. The faces of Liu Yuanyuan and Zhu Yuanchao were all tanned and rosy, and they said they got the tan from playing volleyball on the beach in Beidaihe. Another example is Peng Zhen’s son Fu Liang, who was only 15 years old in the first grade of junior high school, with a height of 1.8 meters. He is good at speeding stunts-riding a shiny manganese steel car with electroplating to show off his driving skills. This kind of high-ranking people is commonly known as the manganese steel family. The Shanghai Yongjiu Type 13 manganese steel car Niu B was like a Lamborghini today. Pigeon brand throws eight roads, especially the crisp and sweet double bells, and the ringing of the bells resounds throughout the playground track after a few taps.

The proud son of the Red Wall Courtyard of the No. 4 Middle School, Peng Zhen’s son Peng Liang, Bo Yibo’s three sons Bo Xiyong, Bo Xilai, and Bo Xicheng, Zhu De’s grandson Zhu Yuanchao, Chen Yi’s two sons Chen Haosu, Chen Xiaolu, and He Long Son He Pengfei, Xu Xiangqian's son Xu Xiaoyan, Zhang Yunyi's son Zhang Guangdong, Wang Shusheng's son Wang Lusheng, Huang Jing's son Yu Zhengsheng, Qiao Guanhua's son Qiao Zonghuai, and Wang Zhen's son Wang Jun. Zhang Aiping's two sons, Zhang Xiang and Zhang Sheng, An Ziwen's son An Min, and Wan Li's son Wan Zhongxiang... Anyway, the second generation of red dragons and grandsons are gone.

On May 16, 1966, the Cultural Revolution officially began. The gourd baby of the No. 4 Middle School came out, and Kong Dan, a senior high school student, became the director of the school's revolutionary committee. Liu Yuan was drawn into the revolutionary committee by Kong Dan and became a member of the revolutionary committee. This is the gendarme in the army of Red Guards, the super Red Guards who rule over the Red Guards. The members of the "Xijiao" wear an old military uniform with two pockets of the national defense green belt, and a Red Guard armband on their right arm. It is more than five inches wide and one foot long. A guard under the admiral's command.

Although there are many children of ordinary people in the Fourth Middle School, the circle of privileged children of the second generation of red has long been formed. From the outside, they all deliberately dress very plainly, but in their own circle, they also respect their father's official position, fame and importance. Sex is divided into different levels. Just say that Kong Dan has a special red halo around him. It is said that Zhou Enlai often hugged him when he was a child. Liguo is very low-key, usually walks to school, and goes to Beijing Normal University after school. His sister Lin Doudou (Lin Liheng) sometimes comes to the Fourth Middle School to pick him up and go home together. Yuan Yuan of Shaoqi's family is also relatively ordinary. He rides his bicycle to school and never has a car to pick him up. According to the memories of his classmates, Liu Yuanyuan liked to wrestle with his classmate Bo Xicheng (Bo Yibo's son) after school. He beat the naughty and troublesome classmates with his hands, but he did not bully the honest classmates. Liu Yuanyuan, the son of the president of the country, really has extraordinary knowledge. For example, his classmates all said that Marx was from the Soviet Union, but Liu Yuanyuan said very arrogantly: No, he is a German.

However, only one year after the Cultural Revolution broke out, Liu Yuan's father was kicked out of Zhongnanhai by Lao Mao, but he insisted that his father had never opposed Lao Mao, and that "Mao Thought" was first proposed by his father. In 1968, after Liu Yuan graduated from No. 4 Middle School, he was assigned to join the queue in Yanbei area of Shanxi Province. In the same year, his father died of illness. The Liu case project team falsely used Liu Yuan's name to fill in the cremation form for Liu Shaoqi's body.

In addition to Liu Yuan's father, Kong Dan's father, Kong Yuan, was also imprisoned in Qincheng. Dang was imprisoned and became a prisoner. Fortunately, Kong Dan's popularity in the No. 4 Middle School was pretty good, and he didn't suffer much from being imprisoned.

As the saying goes, people can't be merciless when they are walking in the rivers and lakes, but there were also some masters who stabbed in the back and accused people of evil in the second generation of the fourth middle school (see attached). But there are unpredictable things in the sky, and people have misfortunes and blessings. During the Cultural Revolution, the parents of these proud sons of heaven were overthrown overnight. (the son of Qiu Huizuo, the head of the general rear), Su Chengde (the son of Su Zhenhua's naval commander), Liu Andong (the son of Liu Lanbo, the minister of hydropower), etc., suddenly fell from the sky to the ground and turned into despondent "bastards". Son.

Pan Guangfu, the "doggy" back then, talked about his feelings back then, and would always say to people: "I can't finish talking about those things in the Fourth Middle School. These stories are all from the memory groups of those "doggy"s in the Internet. By the way, but "recalling bitterness" can't "think about sweetness", because the "Cultural Revolution" is gradually blowing up, maybe the new generation of "puppies" will screw things up in the new era.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

醒悟（160）

160

 

在当代中国有一个特殊的群体，那就是世界罕见的狗崽子群体。这个狗崽子群体生活在新中国的最低层，是最抬不起头并受社会歧视的一代人。

 在“狗崽子”们的眼睛里，往事并不如烟。往事是一个永远的痛。这不止是当年的右派，也包括当年的“狗崽子”。潘光复就有这种感受。

如何读懂中国的狗崽子群体？这是个大学问。人一到群体中，智商就严重降低，为了获得认同，个体愿意抛弃是非，用智商去换取那份让人备感安全的归属感。不过，个人一旦成为群体的一员，他所作所为就不会再承担责任，这时每个人都会暴露出自己不受到的约束的一面。群体追求和相信的从来不是什么真相和理性，而是盲从、残忍、偏执和狂热，只知道简单而极端的感情。在与理性永恒的冲突中，感情从未失过手。数量，即是正义。

狗崽子群体生活在新中国的最低层，是最抬不起头并受社会歧视的一代人。这个特殊群体几乎都与共和国同龄，经历了几乎所有的政治运动，要读懂世界罕见的狗崽子群体，那还得溯源著名的北京四中。那是中国狗崽子群的重要发源地之一。

四中的那些故事，可从网传中的那个EK、大战兄们所发布的网文中找到话岔了，也不算什么瞎掰，因为文革中丧魂落魄的“狗崽子”们与北京四中确实有着惊人的联系。

北京四中为啥牛逼？单说老一号江主席，1995年来四中视察时，情不自禁感叹：“久闻大名，如雷贯耳，到这里来，真是三生有幸。”能让江老“如雷贯耳”的原因首先是校友遍及清华、北大、复旦、南开，欧美名校，名校出名人，政界、商界、学界、影视界名人一大串儿。

江爷爷在北京一机部电器研究所当副所长时，不会不知道四中是国级红二代高干子弟最多的中学，像刘少奇的儿子刘元元（后改名刘源）、林彪的儿子林立果（小名老虎，只比林彪的“彪”字少三撇），但据四中校友说林立果沉默寡言，平时只和同年级的安民曾（中央组织部长安子文之子）说说话，没人会想到他后来当了空军司令部作战部副部长，直接策划指挥了“五七一工程”（武装起义）。

1966年文革爆发前，四中的高干红二代个个营养充足，长得比较精壮，个头也比平民青少年高大。像刘元元和朱援朝的脸都晒得黑里透红，说是在北戴河海滩上打排球晒的。又像彭真的儿子傅亮，初一那会儿才15岁，就有一米八的个头，拿手好戏是飞车绝技—骑着的电镀闪亮的锰钢车大秀车技。这类高干子第通称锰钢族，当年上海永久牌13型锰钢车牛B就像今天的一辆兰博基尼，锰钢车设计精巧轻便灵巧，骑起来绝对潇洒亮眼，把造型粗笨的飞鸽牌甩出八条马路，尤其是清脆悦耳的双铃，轻轻按几下铃声响彻整个操场跑道。

四中的红墙大院天之骄子，还有彭真的儿子彭亮、薄一波的三个儿子薄熙永、薄熙来、薄熙成、朱德的孙子朱援朝、陈毅的两个儿子陈昊苏、陈小鲁，贺龙儿子贺鹏飞，徐向前儿子徐小岩，张云逸儿子张光东，王树声儿子王鲁生，黄敬儿子俞正声、乔冠华儿子乔宗淮，王震儿子王军。张爱萍两个儿子张翔、张胜，安子文儿子安民、万里儿子万仲翔……反正红二代龙子龙孙多勒个去了。

1966年5月16日，文革正式开始。四中葫芦娃横空问世，高三学生孔丹当了校革会主任，刘源被孔丹拉进革委会当了委员，还参加了四中红卫兵组织的“西城区纠察队”。这可是红卫兵大军中的宪兵，专治红卫兵的超级红卫兵。“西纠”队员身穿一套国防绿带两兜的老军服，右臂套上红卫兵袖章，五寸余宽一尺余长，精神抖擞，威风凛凛，绝不亚于古时京城的九门提督麾下的卫兵。

四中虽然有不少平民百姓的子弟，但红二代特权子弟圈早已形成，从外表上看他们都刻意穿的很朴素，但在他们的自己的圈子里也按照父亲的官位，名气和重要性分为不同层次，单说孔丹身上就有一圈特殊的红色光环，据说小时候周恩来经常抱他，他老爸（时任中央调查部长）也比其他部长高一等，反倒是林总家的立果很低调，平时走路上学，放学后在北师大上学姐姐林豆豆（林立衡）有时会来四中接他一起回家。少奇家的元元也比较平民化，自己骑自行车上学从没轿车接送。据他的同班同学回忆，刘元元放学后喜欢和同班的薄熙成（薄一波儿子）摔跤，他动手扁过调皮闹事的同学，但没欺负老实同学。身为国家主席的儿子刘元元见识果然不凡，比如同学们都是说马克思是苏联人，唯有刘元元非常牛逼地说：不对，他是德国人。

不过，文革爆发仅仅一年后，刘源的老爸就被老毛被赶出了中南海，但他坚持说老爸没反对过老毛，“毛思想”就是他老爸第一个提出的。1968年刘源四中毕业后被分配到山西雁北地区插队，同年他父亲病故，刘案项目组冒用刘源的名字填写了刘少奇的尸体火化单。

除了刘源的父亲外，孔丹的老爸孔原也被关进秦城，老妈许明（原国务院副秘书长）自杀，威风凛凛的“西纠”被强行解散，孔丹孔司令锒铛入狱成了阶下囚。好在孔丹在四中人缘还算不错，蹲牢子也没受到多大的罪。

正所谓人在江湖行，哪能不留情，可当年四中的红二代，也不乏背后捅刀子告人恶状的高手（见附）。但天有不测风云，人有旦夕祸福，文革时这些天之骄子的父辈一夜之间皆被打倒，比如，宋克荒（宋任穷中组部长之子）、杨东胜（杨成武总参代总长之子）、邱承光（邱会作总后部长之子）、苏承德（苏振华海军司令之子）、刘安东（刘澜波水电部长之子）等等，顿时从天上掉到地上变成了丧魂落魄的“狗崽子”，吃够了瓜落儿。

当年的“狗崽子”潘光复谈起自己当年的感受，总会对人说： 四中的那些事儿聊不完，这些故事都是从网传中的那些“狗崽子”们的回忆群里顺来的，但“忆苦”却无法“思甜”，因为“文革风”渐渐刮了起来，也许新一代的“狗崽子”们会把新时代的事儿搞拧了。