Wake up（353）

 

353

 

Liu Xiaosheng said: In June 1989, as the demonstrations continued to escalate and expand, Deng Xiaoping, chairman of the Central Military Commission, the top military leader, finally made a decision: to take decisive action. At that time, conflicts occurred in Muxidi. Jiang Jielian, the son of Ding Zilin, one of the initiators of the Tiananmen Mothers Movement, was shot and killed in Fuxingmenwai Street in Muxidi at about 11:00 p.m. on June 3.

On the evening of June 3, various state-run TV stations successively warned Beijing residents to stay indoors and not to go out; however, encouraged by the successful blocking of the army in the previous two weeks, a large number of citizens still took to the streets to stop the army from advancing.

The Chinese People's Liberation Army troops are gradually advancing towards Tiananmen Square from all directions in Beijing. The 38th Army, the 63rd Army and the 28th Army are responsible for the west; the 15th Army, the 20th Army, the 26th Army and the 54th Army are responsible to the south; the 39th Army and 1st Garrison Division to the east; and the 40th and 64th Armies to the north.

At around 10:00 p.m., the 38th Army began shooting at the demonstrators at the Wukesong intersection on Chang'an Avenue, about 10 kilometers west of the square. The crowd, surprised by the army ordering live ammunition, began throwing objects at the troops.

That night, Song Xiaoming, a 32-year-old aerospace technician, became the first confirmed deceased. The army has since been accused of using dum ammunition, which shatters when fired into a human body, causing severe trauma.

At 10:30, the marching troops were forced to temporarily stop at Muxidi, about 5 kilometers west of Tiananmen Square, to try to clear the temporary roadblocks because the people pushed the double-section trolleybuses onto the road and set them on fire.

Residents living in nearby apartments also tried to stop the military convoy, but the 38th Army opened fire again, causing heavy casualties.

According to the report of the dead after the Tiananmen Mothers investigation, a total of 36 people died in Muxidi.

Soldiers also opened fire on apartments near Muxidi, killing people on balconies or indoors, including several senior Chinese officials who were observing developments at the apartment.

The 38th Army finally smashed the tram carriages open with armored personnel carriers, and continued to confront the demonstrators who tried to hastily build roadblocks or organize human chains. cause casualties.

The paratroopers of the 15th Airborne Corps in charge of the south also used live ammunition to shoot, and also caused civilian casualties in Zhushikou, Tianqiao and Qianmen. However, there are also opinions that such statements are distortions caused by long-distance observation. CBS reporter Ross at the scene also said that no soldiers fired shots, but only tried to disperse the crowd, which makes it doubtful whether there was a shooting accident.

Claims that the troops fired live ammunition and caused casualties angered Beijing residents, some of whom began attacking soldiers with sticks, stones and homemade petrol bombs, and even set fire to military vehicles.

Mainland Chinese authorities and their supporters say the military is using force primarily in self-defense and claim that troop casualties justify the use of weapons, with reports of soldiers being burned alive in the streets or beaten to death by others record. According to Wu Renhua's research, it was only after the military opened fire at 10:00 p.m. on June 3 that the masses began to fight back against the troops. However, during the eviction, some students and residents tried to protect the soldiers under attack, while most military units refused to carry out orders to shoot civilians.

At 8:30 p.m., the presence of military helicopters over Tiananmen Square prompted demonstrators on various university campuses to call on students to join them. At 10:00 p.m., the demonstrators held the inauguration ceremony of Tiananmen Democracy University near the pedestal of the Goddess of Democracy as scheduled. But at 10:16, loudspeakers controlled by the government warned that troops could take any enforcement measures during martial law.

At 10:30 in the evening, as witnesses who saw the army shooting live ammunition entered Tiananmen Square from the west and south sides of downtown Beijing one after another, the demonstrators and the masses in Tiananmen Square also learned about the violence.

At midnight, student loudspeakers announced that a student had been killed on West Chang'an Avenue near the Military Museum of the Chinese People's Revolution, sending the crowd in the square into a mood of gloom. Li Lu, the deputy commander of the Student Headquarters, immediately asked the students to maintain unity and insist on using non-violent means to continue to occupy Tiananmen Square; at 00:30 in the morning, Wuer Kaixi accused a female student of Beijing Normal University of leaving After being killed on campus, Wuer Kaixi was taken away from the square by an ambulance because of sudden fainting. At this time, 70,000 to 80,000 people remained in Tiananmen Square.

At about 12:15 in the morning, the military began to fire flares to provide nighttime illumination, and the first Type 63 armored personnel carrier appeared from the west side of Tiananmen Square and passed the road in front of the square quickly, and the second armored vehicle appeared about five minutes later , both heading towards East Chang'an Avenue.

At around 12:30 in the morning, two armored personnel carriers arrived at the Guangnan side of Tiananmen Square, and the students threw concrete blocks at the military vehicles one after another. After one of the armored personnel carriers suddenly broke down and could not move, the demonstrators destroyed the vehicle with sticks and set it on fire with quilts doused in gasoline. The three soldiers who escaped urgently because their vehicles were burned were beaten by the demonstrators, but the students organized a cordon and escorted the three people to the first aid station of the National Museum of China on the east side of the square for treatment.

Afterwards, student leaders once gave up non-violent means and prepared to launch retaliatory actions under great pressure. Among them, Chai Ling once used a loudspeaker to call on students to prepare to fight against the "shameless government." But in the end she and Li Lu agreed to continue the practice of maintaining peaceful means and to confiscate sticks, stones and glass bottles held by the students that could be considered weapons.

At about 1:30 in the morning, the front lines of the 38th Army and the 15th Airborne Army arrived at the north and south sides of Tiananmen Square respectively. They began to block the surrounding area of ​​Tiananmen Square and separated the demonstrators from the residents who went to support them, and killed several demonstrators in the process. At the same time, the 27th Group Army and the 65th Group Army emerged from the Great Hall of the People on the west side of Tiananmen Square, and the 24th Group Army also began to deploy at the National Museum of China on the east side.

After being surrounded by the army, thousands of demonstrators and people who remained in the square began to gather at the Monument to the People's Heroes in the center of the square.

After 2:00 a.m., the troops began to try to exert pressure on the demonstrators beside the Monument to the People’s Heroes; while the student radio kept calling on the army to give up the use of force, and mentioned: “We are peacefully petitioning for the democracy and freedom of the motherland and for the Chinese nation. Wealthy and powerful, please follow the wishes of the people and do not use force against students who peacefully petition..."

At about 2:30 a.m., several workers began erecting machine guns they dismantled from armored personnel carriers at the Monument to the People's Heroes, vowing revenge on the troops who had killed many of the demonstrators. After Hou Dejian persuaded the workers to give up their weapons, Liu Xiaobo publicly smashed another unloaded rifle on the railing of the monument to reaffirm the stand of the non-violent movement.

Afterwards, Shao Jiang, a member of the Standing Committee of the Beijing University Student Self-Government Federation who had seen the army shoot people to death in Muxidi, called on intellectuals to lead the demonstrators and the crowd to evacuate the square, saying that too many people had died.

Liu Xiaobo originally expressed his unwillingness to evacuate the square, but he was persuaded in the end, and together with Zhou Duo, Gao Xin, and Hou Dejian discussed the issue of evacuation with student leaders, but Chai Ling, Li Lu, Feng Congde and others initially All refused to evacuate.

At 3:30 in the morning, at the suggestion of two doctors affiliated with the Red Cross Society of China, Hou Dejian and Zhou Duo agreed to try to negotiate with the soldiers first. They then took an ambulance to the northeast corner of Tiananmen Square and met Ji Xinguo, political commissar of the 336th Corps of the 38th Army. Ji Xinguo immediately conveyed the request to the command headquarters of the martial law troops and obtained permission to open a passage for the students to safely evacuate to the southeast.

At 4 o'clock in the morning, the lights on Tiananmen Square suddenly went out, and at the same time the official loudspeaker announced: "The venue will be cleared now, and we agree with the students' appeal to evacuate the square." But at this time, the students sang "The Internationale" together, and thought that The army prepares for one last clearing mission.

At 4:30 a.m., Tiananmen Square was re-lit and a series of red flares were fired. At the same time, troops began to approach the monument from all directions and then redeployed within 10 meters of the demonstrators gathered at the Monument to the People's Heroes.

After Hou Dejian came back, he first tried to persuade the student leaders who had known beforehand to accept his agreement with the army. At about 4:32, Hou Dejian stated through the student broadcast that he had first negotiated with the army. However, many students who knew about this meeting for the first time Angrily accused him of being too timid. Later, Feng Congde explained on the radio that since there was no time to hold an emergency meeting, the collective actions of the students after the demonstration would be decided by oral voting.

But even though the voice of "persistence" was louder than "evacuation", Feng Congde still stated that "withdrawal" was the majority opinion and decided to lead the masses to evacuate from Tiananmen Square.

But around 4:40, soldiers in camouflage uniforms stormed the Monument to the People's Heroes and damaged the students' broadcasting facilities; while other troops beat dozens of students near the monument and seized or destroyed their cameras and recording equipment . Then the soldiers began to forcibly disperse the crowd near the Monument to the People's Heroes, and then some students and professors tried to persuade the students who still insisted on sitting at the bottom of the monument to leave.

At about 5:10 in the morning, the students began to leave the monument. The demonstrators held hands and evacuated to the passage arranged at the southeast corner of the square. However, because there were a lot of students sitting in the north of the square at that time, a considerable number of students left from the north side of the square. go.

At this time, the military asked those students who refused to leave Tiananmen Square to join the evacuation ranks. In addition to asking the remaining people to evacuate the square by shooting into the air, they also mobilized Type 59 tank troops to block the road to the square. . According to the students who evacuated from the north side, the army set up machine guns on the north side of the monument and fired at the students.

After confirming that all demonstrators had left the square, the military dispatched military helicopters to deliver large plastic bags and ordered soldiers to start clearing the square.

Beijing medical staff told Hong Kong reporters that the army put the corpses in the square into plastic bags and transported them away by military helicopters.

At 6:00 a.m. on June 4, when the group of students who had evacuated from Tiananmen Square were walking along the bicycle lane on West Chang’an Avenue to return to the campus, three tanks from the Xidan Post Office fired tear gas and charged into the crowd, causing Eleven students were injured.

On the morning of June 4, thousands of previously evacuated demonstrators, parents of those killed and injured in the clearing operation, and workers angered by the government's actions tried to re-enter Tiananmen Square from East Chang'an Avenue, but when the crowd approached the troops, the soldiers immediately went to the crowd. Shots were fired as a warning. However, as a few people were shot by the troops, disaffected people who temporarily evacuated the area then tried to re-occupy the square.

After that, the masses tried to enter Tiananmen Square many times, but the army continued to manage the square and closed it to the public for two weeks.

Liu Xiaosheng said: In this incident, the phenomenon of military disobedience also appeared. During this period, many senior officers and soldiers of the People's Liberation Army resisted the clearance order.

The 28th Army was surrounded by crowds in Muxidi on the morning of June 4. After being questioned and complained by the citizens, and seeing the scene in Beijing, the soldiers were shaken and abandoned their vehicles, and the entire army stagnated. Affected by the situation of the 28th Army, the headquarters of the martial law troops dispatched helicopters to supervise the battle over West Chang'an Avenue, and shouted with loudspeakers that the 28th Army would resolutely counterattack if it was blocked. At 5:00 p.m., the entire unit was withdrawn, and the 28th Army became the only unit that had not reached the martial law enforcement position designated by its superiors. Afterwards, army commander He Yanran and political commissar Zhang Mingchun were demoted and transferred due to "poor execution and wrong command".

Major General Xu Qinxian, commander of the 38th Group Army, refused to obey the mobilization order on the grounds that "the military order was incomplete and illegal, and there was no formal written notice". He was later sentenced to five years in prison by the military court. Because of this action, he was evaluated by the media as a "disobedient" officer. In 2009, Xu Qinxian said in an interview with "Apple Daily": "If you do something that has passed, you will have no regrets."

醒悟（353）

 

353

 

刘效胜说： 1989年6月，由于示威活动不断升级并且扩大，军方最高领导人的中央军委主席邓小平最后作为决定：采取果断行动。那时木樨地发生了冲突事件。天安门母亲运动发起人之一丁子霖之子蒋捷连于6月3日晚11时左右在木樨地复兴门外大街中弹身亡。

6月3日晚间，各个国营电视台陆续警告北京市居民留在室内不要外出；但受到前两周成功阻挡军队的激励，大批市民仍然走上街头以阻止部队行进。

中国人民解放军部队从北京市各个方位逐步向天安门广场推进，分别由第38集团军、第63集团军和第28集团军负责西面；空降兵第15军、第20集团军、第26集团军和第54集团军负责南面；第39集团军和卫戍第1师负责东面；以及第40集团军和第64集团军负责北面。

晚上10时左右，第38集团军在广场西方约10公里的长安街五棵松十字路口开始向示威群众开枪。群众对于军队下令实弹射击感到惊讶，进而开始向部队丢掷物品。

当天晚上，32岁的航天技术人员宋晓明成为首位被证实的死者。之后军队遭指控使用了射入人体会碎裂，从而造成严重创伤的达姆弹。

10时30分，由于民众将双节无轨电车推到路上并放火焚烧，行进中的军队被迫暂时停在天安门广场西侧约5公里的木樨地，试图清除这些临时路障。

住在附近公寓的居民亦出面试图拦阻军方车队，但第38集团军再度开火，并造成重大人员伤亡。

根据天安门母亲运动调查后提出的死者报告中，共有36人在木樨地死亡。

另外士兵还向木樨地附近的公寓开火，造成在建筑阳台或室内有人因而遭到枪杀，这包括数名在公寓观察事态发展的中国高级官员。

第38集团军最后以装甲运兵车将电车车厢撞开，并持续与尝试仓促搭建路障或组织人链的示威群众对峙，之后部队行经长安街经过南礼士路、复兴门、西单到天安门期间都有造成伤亡。

而负责南面的空降兵第15军伞兵也使用实弹进行射击，并且在珠市口、天桥和前门等地也造成平民伤亡。但是亦有说法认为该类说法均为远距离观察导致的失真，在现场的CBS记者罗斯也称并未有士兵开枪，而仅仅试图驱散人群，这使得究竟是否发生开枪事故存疑。

有说法称部队使用实弹进行射击并且造成死伤反而激怒北京市的居民，其中一些人开始以棍棒、石块和自制的汽油弹攻击士兵，甚至纵火焚烧军车。

中国大陆当局以及其支持者表示军队主要是为了自我防卫而动用武力，并且提出部队的伤亡证明使用武器正当，而在报告中便有士兵在街上遭到活活烧死或者是被其他人殴打致死的纪录。而根据吴仁华的研究指出在6月3日晚上10时军方开火后群众才开始向部队做出反击。不过在驱离过程中，亦有学生和居民试图保护遭攻击的士兵，而大多数的军事单位则拒绝执行对平民开枪的命令。

晚上8时30分时，由于军队的直升机出现在天安门广场上空使得示威学生在各个大学校园呼吁学生加入其行列。晚上10时，示威学生依照预定时间在民主女神的基座附近举办天安门民主大学的成立仪式。但是10时16分时，由政府控制的扩音器警告说部队可以在实施戒严期间采取任何强制执行的措施。

晚上10时30分，随着看见军队以实弹射击的目击者陆陆续续从北京市区西侧和南侧进入天安门广场，在天安门广场上的示威学生与群众也了解到有关暴力事件的消息。

在午夜时分，学生扩音器则宣布一名学生在靠近中国人民革命军事博物馆的西长安街遭到杀害，这使得待在广场上的群众陷入忧郁情绪。学生指挥部副总指挥李录随即要求学生保持团结，并且坚持以非暴力的手段以争取继续占领天安门广场；凌晨0时30分，吾尔开希则指控一名北京师范大学女学生在晚间离开校园后遭到杀害，之后吾尔开希便因为突发昏厥而被救护车带离广场。而在这时候，仍然有70,000人至80,000人继续留在天安门广场上。

大约凌晨12时15分，军方开始发射照明弹以提供夜间照明，并且第一辆63式装甲运兵车自天安门广场西侧出现并且从广场前的道路快速通过，大约五分钟后出现第二辆装甲车，两者均往东长安街驶去。

凌晨12时30分左右则有2辆装甲运兵车抵达天安门广南侧，学生便陆陆续续向军方车辆丢掷水泥块。之后其中一辆装甲运兵车突然发生故障而无法移动，示威群众便用棍棒破坏车辆并且以浇上汽油的棉被放火焚烧。而因为车辆遭到焚烧而紧急逃出的3名军人则被示威群众殴打，但学生则组织警戒线并且护送3人到位于广场东侧中国国家博物馆的急救站医治。

之后在承受极大压力的情况下学生领袖曾经一度放弃非暴力手段并且准备展开报复行动，其中柴玲便曾一度使用扩音器呼吁学生准备对抗“无耻的政府”。但最后她和李录同意继续维持和平手段的做法，并且没收学生所持有的棍棒、石块和玻璃瓶等可能被视为武器的物品。

凌晨约1时30分，第38集团军和空降兵第15军的队伍前沿分别到达天安门广场的南北两侧。他们开始封锁天安门广场四周并且将里面的示威学生和前往支持的居民分隔开离，而在过程中也杀死数名示威群众。同时第27集团军与第65集团军从天安门广场西侧的人民大会堂出现，而第24集团军也于东侧的中国国家博物馆开始部署。

在遭到军队包围之后，数千名仍然留在广场上的示威学生与群众则开始往广场中央的人民英雄纪念碑聚集。

凌晨2时后，部队开始尝试对人民英雄纪念碑旁的示威群众施加压力；而学生广播则不断呼吁军队放弃使用武力，并且提到：“我们是和平请愿，是为了祖国的民主自由，为了中华民族的富强，请你们顺从人民的意愿，不要对和平请愿的学生采取武力……”

大约凌晨2时30分，几名工人则开始在人民英雄纪念碑架设其从装甲运兵车上拆解的机枪，并且发誓要向杀害许多示威群众的部队报仇。之后在侯德健劝说下工人们选择放弃武器，而刘晓波则在纪念碑的栏杆公开砸坏另外一枝没有子弹的步枪以重申非暴力运动的立场。

之后，曾在木樨地看见军队枪杀民众的北京高校学生自治联合会常委邵江呼吁由知识分子带领示威学生与群众撤离广场，并且表示已经有太多人丧生。

刘晓波原本表示不愿意撤离广场，但最后仍被说服，并且和周舵、高新和侯德健一同与学生领袖商讨撤离问题，不过包括柴玲、李录和封从德等人在听到撤离意见后最初都拒绝撤离。

凌晨3时30分，在隶属于中国红十字会的两名医生建议下，侯德健和周舵同意先行尝试与士兵进行谈判。他们随即乘坐救护车抵达天安门广场东北角并且与第38集团军336军团政治委员季新国会面，季新国随即向戒严部队指挥总部转达请求并且获得同意为学生开辟往东南方安全撤离的通路。

凌晨4点时天安门广场上的灯光突然熄灭，同时官方的扩音器宣布：“现在开始清场，同意同学们撤离广场的呼吁。”不过此时学生们则是一同唱起《国际歌》，并且认为军队准备执行最后一项清场任务。

凌晨4点30分时，天安门广场重新开启照明并发射一连串的红色信号弹。与此同时，部队开始从四面八方逼近纪念碑，随后部队在聚集于人民英雄纪念碑的示威群众周围10米处重新部署。

而侯德健回来后先是尝试说服事先知情的学生领袖接受他与部队的协议，在大约4时32分侯德健透过学生的广播表示他先行和部队达成谈判，然而许多第一次知道这次会谈的学生则气愤地指责他过于胆怯。封从德之后则在广播中解释由于已经没有时间召开紧急会议，而将以口头表决的方式决定示威学生之后的集体行动。

但尽管“坚守”的声音比起“撤离”还要来得更加响亮，封从德仍然表示“撤离”意见较为多数而决定带领群众撤离天安门广场。

不过大约在4时40分时，穿着迷彩服的士兵冲向人民英雄纪念碑并且破坏学生的广播设施；而其他部队则殴打数十名在纪念碑旁的学生，并且扣押或者破坏他们的相机和录音设备。随后士兵开始强制驱散在人民英雄纪念碑附近的群众，之后也有学生和教授尝试说服仍然坚持坐在纪念碑底层的学生离开。

大约早晨5时10分学生们开始离开纪念碑，示威群众们手牵着手往广场东南角安排的通道撤离，不过由于当时坐在广场北部的学生颇多，因此有相当一部分学生是从广场北侧离去。

而这时军方则要求那些拒绝离开天安门广场的学生必须加入撤离行列，除了以对空开枪的方式要求剩下的群众撤出广场外，并且还调动59式战车部队封锁前往广场的道路。而据从北侧撤离的学生所说，军队在纪念碑北面架起机枪向学生扫射。

在确认所有示威群众都离开广场后，军方派遣军用直升机运送大型塑料袋并且命令士兵开始清理广场。

北京医护人员对香港记者说，军队将广场的尸体装进塑料袋，由军用直升机运走。

而6月4日早上6时，已经撤离天安门广场的学生队伍在沿着西长安街自行车车道上准备走回校园时，西单邮电局方向有3辆从天安门广场出发的坦克发射催泪弹并且冲撞人群，造成11名学生受伤。

6月4日上午数千名先前撤离的示威群众、清场行动中伤亡者的父母以及被政府举动激怒的工人尝试从东长安街重新回到天安门广场，但是当人群靠近部队时士兵则随即往群众处开枪射击作为警告。然而由于有数人因而遭到部队枪击，之后暂时撤离该处的不满群众便又会尝试重新前往占领广场空地。

之后群众多次尝试进入天安门广场内，但是军队则持续负责管理广场并且持续两周都不向大众开放。

刘效胜说：在这次事件中，也出现了军人抗命现象。在此期间，不少解放军高级军官和士兵对清场令持抵制态度。

第28集团军6月4日早上在木樨地被群众包围，士兵在受到市民源源不断的质疑和哭诉，并目睹北京市面的情景后，军心动摇弃车不顾，整支部队就此停滞不前。受28军的状况影响，戒严部队指挥部派遣直升机到西长安街上空督战，用高音喇叭呼喊28军受阻就坚决反击，结果被28军的高射机枪扫射将其驱逐。下午五点整支部队撤走，28军成为唯一成建制没有抵达上级所指定的戒严执勤位置的部队。事后军长何燕然和政委张明春因“执行不力、指挥错误”被降级调任。

第38集团军指挥官徐勤先少将以“军令不全不合法、没有正式书面通知”为由拒绝服从动员令，后被军事法院判处五年有期徒刑。其因这一举动被媒体评价为“抗命”军官，2009年徐勤先在接受《苹果日报》采访时表示：“已经过去的事情，做了就没有什么后悔的。”

Wake up（352）

 

Chapter 61 Turmoil

 

352

 

Liu Xiaosheng said: In the shocking May of 1989, as the demonstrations continued to escalate and expand, Deng Xiaoping, chairman of the Central Military Commission, who was finally the top leader of the military, decided to take decisive action. After a series of demonstrations, the hardliners headed by Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng decided to use force to resolve the demonstrations. Many conservatives including Chen Yun, Yang Shangkun and Li Xiannian also supported sending troops.

On May 17, the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee held a meeting at Deng Xiaoping's residence.

At this meeting, Zhao Ziyang's policy of making concessions was criticized by other members. Li Peng and Deng Xiaoping claimed that Zhao Ziyang's reconciliation speech on May 4 made the students no longer fear the Chinese government.

Deng Xiaoping, also supported by other conservatives, warned that if the ongoing protests in Beijing did not subside quickly, it would mean that China would risk experiencing another civil war or the Cultural Revolution.

Deng Xiaoping then stated that martial law should be declared to express the government's position that the protests could not be tolerated to continue. At the same time, in order to prove that martial law worked, he decided to describe the demonstrators as "thugs" of bourgeois liberalization advocates, and alleged that they were behind the scenes Some people try to combat the rule of the current government and further realize their personal ambitions.

On the evening of the same day, the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China formulated a plan for martial law in Zhongnanhai. During this period, Zhao Ziyang expressed his intention to resign because he could not implement martial law. At the same time, he was not sure whether the decision on martial law voted by the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was legally binding. .

Afterwards, Hu Qili also expressed that he was not willing to implement martial law, but Li Peng and Yao Yilin both expressed their support for the decision to declare martial law.

Qiao Shi, secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, mentioned that although he opposed the government making further concessions, he himself did not think that imposing martial law was an effective way to solve this problem.

Yang Shangkun and Bo Yibo strongly demanded that the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee must follow Deng Xiaoping's orders. Afterwards, Yang Shangkun used his authority to mobilize troops into the capital, Beijing.

On May 19, members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee met with military leaders and veterans of the CCP.

Deng Xiaoping presided over the meeting himself, and stated that imposing martial law was the only option. At this meeting, Deng Xiaoping announced that he "wrongly" selected Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang as his successors, and decided to exclude Zhao Ziyang from the high-level leadership meeting outside.

Deng Xiaoping also vowed to be tough on Zhao Ziyang's supporters, and began a propaganda effort on the matter.

On May 20, the Chinese government officially declared martial law and mobilized at least 30 divisions from five major military regions, including at least 14 of the 24 group armies of the Chinese People's Liberation Army. As many as 250,000 of them were eventually sent to the capital Beijing for deployment, some of which were transported by air and rail to their respective destinations, and the civil aviation authorities in Guangzhou even arranged ordinary air tickets in advance to prepare to transport troops at any time.

In the afternoon of the same day, Yang Shangkun confirmed to his face that Zhou Yibing, the commander of the Beijing Military Region, was in command and had full authority to direct the martial law operation.

However, after the Chinese People's Liberation Army army entered the city, it was blocked by a large number of assembled masses. When the army vehicles were surrounded by a large number of people and prevented from advancing and retreating, the troops could not continue to advance in the suburbs.

The protesters also gave speeches to the soldiers and called on the latter to join their actions. At the same time, the demonstrators also provided the soldiers with food, drinking water and related supplies.

In addition, seven generals Ye Fei, Zhang Aiping, Xiao Ke, Yang Dezhi, Chen Zaidao, Li Jukui, and Song Shilun wrote to the headquarters of the martial law troops and the Central Military Commission, calling on the army not to suppress the masses and suggesting that the army should not be allowed to enter Beijing, emphasizing that "the guns of the People's Liberation Army cannot of the people".

When the troops were unable to advance into the cities, the Chinese government ordered all troops to retreat to bases outside the cities on May 24.

But while the demonstrators' success in forcing the withdrawal of military troops is seen as a sign of a "turnaround" in the protests, the Chinese government continues to mobilize troops across the country in preparation for subsequent operations.

Liu Xiaosheng said: At the same time, the internal division of the student movement has intensified. The protests organized by the students in late May became more and more chaotic due to the absence of a clear leader or consistent activities. The gathering of a large number of people caused serious health problems in the demonstration team.

Hou Dejian suggested that student leaders hold open elections to choose the spokesperson of the student movement, but this was opposed by student groups.

On the other hand, Wang Dan believes that the Chinese government may launch military action to suppress demonstrations in the near future. Therefore, he advocated that students be temporarily withdrawn from Tiananmen Square to the campus and form another related group. However, this suggestion was opposed and advocated to continue to occupy Tiananmen Hardline students in the square objected.

As factional conflicts increased, various factions began to compete for the student broadcasting center in the center of the square, hoping to gain control of the student movement by controlling the loudspeakers.

Various factions also began to send some students to the train station to meet the students who came from all over the country in solidarity, and took the opportunity to draw them into their factions to gain support.

Student groups began to accuse members of other factions of ulterior motives, including colluding with government members and trying to leverage the student movement for personal achievement.

On May 27, nearly 300,000 people in Hong Kong participated in the "Song of Democracy for China" event held at Happy Valley Racecourse. Many Hong Kong celebrities were invited to sing and expressed their support for Beijing students.

The next day, under the leadership of Martin Lee, Szeto Wah and other leaders, 1.5 million people in Hong Kong gathered on Hong Kong Island to launch a large-scale protest march. On the same day, global Chinese parades were also launched around the world.

During this period, governments including the United States and Japan also issued travel warnings against China. Afterwards, newspapers and periodicals in Beijing successively published many articles calling on students to leave Tiananmen Square and end the anti-student movement. Among them, in the article "Tiananmen Square, I cry for you" published in "Beijing Daily" on June 1 Allegedly, the author was disappointed by the internal chaos and disorder of the demonstration movement; but the articles also angered many students who were unwilling to leave Tiananmen Square and began to organize protests. Thousands of students marched on the streets of Beijing on their own to express their Reluctance to evacuate Tiananmen Square.

Then Liu Xiaobo, Zhou Duo, Gao Xin, three intellectuals, and Taiwanese singer Hou Dejian announced the launch of a second hunger strike, hoping to revive the democratic movement.

And because many students gradually feel tired after occupying Tiananmen Square for a long time, the conflict between the moderates and the hardliners among the students gradually subsided and dialogue began.

Later, Liu Xiaobo and others mentioned in their statement that the purpose of the hunger strike was to publicly criticize the government, remind students that their current career is worth fighting for, and encourage students to continue occupying Tiananmen Square to demand continued reform.

On June 1, Li Peng submitted a report "On the Essence of the Unrest" to the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, accusing the demonstrators of being terrorists and counter-revolutionaries. Subsequently, the Ministry of State Security also submitted a report, emphasizing that the bourgeoisie and liberalism have penetrated into all parts of China, and Western concepts have a negative impact on students. The Ministry of Security also believes that the US military intervened in the student movement, hoping to overthrow the current government. The report successfully created a sense of coercion within the Chinese government and justified subsequent military action. At the same time, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee also received a report from the headquarters of the martial law troops, pointing out that the troops had made the necessary preparations to assist in stabilizing the status quo in the capital. Various factors made most members of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee accept the necessity and legitimacy of martial law, and also agreed to the solution to the political crisis by clearing the field by force.

On June 2, as the student protest movement intensified, the perception of a military solution to the political crisis at the top was strengthened. On the same day, the high-level meeting was held again, and finally agreed to carry out the clearance to "end the riots and restore order in the capital." They agreed that the clearing of Tiananmen Square should be done as peacefully as possible, but the troops were authorized to use force to do so if the demonstrators were unwilling to cooperate. Domestic newspapers also reported on the same day that the army was deployed in ten key areas in Beijing.

On the evening of June 2, a police jeep accidentally hit four civilians and killed three. This incident caused demonstrators to worry that the army and police were trying to enter Tiananmen Square.

In response, student leaders immediately issued an emergency order calling for barricades at major intersections to prevent troops from entering the city center.

On the morning of June 3, students and residents discovered that a soldier in plainclothes was trying to enter the city with weapons. The student group immediately caught him and returned the weapons to the Beijing police. The students then staged a protest outside the gate of Zhongnanhai, but were chased away by police firing tear gas.

Another group of unarmed troops appeared from the Great Hall of the People and was quickly surrounded by protesters, and several people were injured in the chaos; afterward, the two sides sat down and began to sing songs, and finally the troops retreated back to the Great Hall of the People In the lobby.

At 4:30 p.m. on June 3, Li Peng, Qiao Shi, and Yao Yilin from the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee met with military leaders, Li Ximing, Secretary of the Beijing Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China, Chen Xitong, Mayor of Beijing, and Luo Gan, Secretary-General of the State Council, and finally decided on the implementation of martial law. Specific methods. The meeting confirmed that the event was classified as a "counter-revolutionary riot" and that tough measures must be taken decisively to reverse the situation. The meeting decided to take action that day and night, "Comrade Zhou Yibing will command the PLA and the armed police forces to quickly march into Tiananmen Square and resolutely implement the task of martial law." On the night of the clearing, the leaders supervised the implementation in the Great Hall of the People and Zhongnanhai respectively.

On the evening of the 3rd, CCTV and Beijing TV reported that martial law forces would suppress the unrest and warned citizens not to go to Tiananmen Square.

醒悟（352）

 

第61章 动乱

 

352

 

刘效胜说：令人震惊的1989年5月，随着示威活动不断升级并且扩大，最后作为军方最高领导人的中央军委主席邓小平决定采取果断行动。一连串游行后，以邓小平及李鹏为首的强硬派决定以武力解决示威，陈云、杨尚昆和李先念等多位保守派亦支持出兵。

5月17日，中共中央政治局常委在邓小平的住所召开会议。

在这次会议上赵紫阳不断让步的处理方针遭到了其他成员的批评，其中李鹏和邓小平宣称赵紫阳于5月4日发表的和解谈话使得学生不再惧怕中国政府。

邓小平警告说：如果北京市进行中的抗议活动不迅速平息的话，意味着中国将冒着经历另外一次内战或者是文化大革命的风险，而他的意见亦得到其他保守派的支持。

邓小平随后表示应该宣布戒严，以表达政府无法容忍抗议活动持续进行的立场，同时为了证明戒严有其作用，而决定将示威群众描述为资产阶级自由化倡导者的“打手”，并且指称是幕后筹划的人士试图打击现政府的统治，并且进一步实现他们个人的野心。

同日傍晚中共中央政治局常委会在中南海制定有关戒严之计划，期间赵紫阳表示由于无法实施戒严而准备辞去职务，同时他也不确定由中央政治局常委投票做出的戒严决定是否具有法律约束力。

之后胡启立亦表示他并不愿意实施戒严，但相对的李鹏以及姚依林都表态支持宣布戒严的决定。

中共中央书记处书记乔石则提到虽然他反对政府再做出进一步的让步，但是他本人并不认为实施戒严为解决这一问题的有效方法。

而杨尚昆和薄一波则强烈要求中共中央政治局常委必须遵循邓小平的命令，之后杨尚昆更动用其权限开始调动军队进入首都北京市。

5月19日，中共中央政治局常委与军方领导人以及中共党内元老会面。

邓小平亲自主持会议，并表示：实施戒严是唯一的选择，在这次会议上邓小平宣布他“错误地”选择胡耀邦和赵紫阳担任他的继任者，并且决定从此将赵紫阳隔除在高层领导会议外。

邓小平还誓言要强硬处理赵紫阳的支持者，并且对此开始进行宣传工作。

5月20日，中国政府正式宣布实施戒严，并且从5个大军区中动员了至少30个师的兵力，其中在中国人民解放军24个集团军中便至少有14个被要求部署军队。其中多达250,000名士兵最终被送往首都北京市进行部署，其中有一部分军队则借由空运和铁路运输前往各自的目的地，而广州民航当局甚至还事先安排普通机票以准备随时运输部队。

当天下午，杨尚昆当面明确北京军区司令员周衣冰为指挥，全权指挥戒严行动。

然而中国人民解放军陆军部队进入城市后随即遭到大量集结的群众拦阻，在受到大量群众包围军车队伍并且阻止其进退的情况下，使得部队在郊区无法继续前进。

抗议群众也纷纷向士兵发表演讲，并且呼吁后者加入他们的行动，同时示威群众还提供士兵食物、饮用水和相关用品。

此外叶飞、张爱萍、萧克、杨得志、陈再道、李聚奎、宋时轮七位上将致函戒严部队指挥部和中央军委，呼吁军队不能镇压群众，建议不要让军队入京，强调“人民解放军的枪口不能对着人民群众”。

在部队迟迟无法向城市内部推进的情况下，中国政府于5月24日下令所有军队撤退至各个城市外的基地驻扎着。

然而尽管示威群众成功逼使军事部队撤离被视为抗议活动“扭转颓势”的表现，但是中国政府仍然不断于中国各地调动部队以准备展开之后的行动。

刘效胜说：与此同时学生运动的内部分裂则更为加剧，5月下旬学生所组织的抗议活动由于没有明确的领导人或一致的活动，情况变得越来越混乱，同时伴随着天安门广场上聚集着大量群众使得示威队伍出现严重的卫生问题。

侯德健建议学生领袖进行公开选举，以选出学生运动的发言人，但是遭到学生团体的反对。

另外一方面，王丹则认为近期中国政府将有可能发起军事行动以镇压示威活动，因此主张让学生先从天安门广场暂时撤回校园，并且另外组成相关团体，但这个建议则遭到主张继续占领天安门广场的强硬派学生反对。

随着派系冲突日益增加，各个派系开始争夺位在广场中央的学生广播中心，期望能够借由控制扩音器的方式掌握学生运动的控制权。

各个派系也开始派遣一些学生前往火车站迎接来自全国各地声援的学生们，并趁机将他们拉到自己的派系之中以获得支持。

学生团体开始指责其他派系的成员别有用心，这包括有勾结政府成员并且试图借由学生运动以获得个人成就。

在5月27日时，香港将近三十万人则参与在跑马地马场举办的《民主歌声献中华》活动，不少香港名人应歌唱邀并且表示对北京学生的支持。

隔天，在李柱铭、司徒华和其他组织的领导人领导下，香港150万名群众聚集在于香港岛发起了大规模的抗议游行，而同一天世界各地也发起了全球华人大游行的活动。

而在这期间，包括美国日本等政府也针对中国发出旅游警告。之后北京市的报刊上则陆续发表许多呼吁学生离开天安门广场并且结束抗学生运动的文章，其中在6月1日于《北京日报》刊载的《天安门广场啊，我为你哭泣》这篇文章中指称，由于示威运动内部混乱和无序而使得作者感到失望；但是这些文章也使得许多不愿意离开天安门广场的学生感到愤怒并且开始组织抗议行动，数千名学生便列队自行游行至北京街头以表达不愿意撤离天安门广场。

随后刘晓波、周舵与高新三名知识分子，以及台湾歌手侯德健宣布发起第二次绝食活动，并且希望能够借此重新提振民主运动。

而由于长期占领天安门广场后许多学生都渐渐感到疲累，这使得原先学生内部的温和派与强硬派之冲突也渐渐停息并且开始展开对话。

之后刘晓波等人在发表的声明中提到绝食的目的是为了能够公开批评政府，同时提醒学生们他们现在的事业是值得奋斗的，并且促进学生能够继续占领天安门广场以提出继续改革的要求。

6月1日，李鹏向中共中央政治局提交《关于动乱的实质》报告，指称示威群众为恐怖分子和反革命分子，还指出抗议学生并不打算撤离天安门广场，同时示威活动也获得广泛支持。随后国家安全部也提交报告，强调资产阶级与自由主义已渗透到中国各处，西方观念给学生带来负面影响。安全部亦认为美军部队介入学生运动，期望借此推翻现政府的统治。这份报告在中国政府内部成功营造出胁迫感，为之后的军事行动提供理由。同时中央政治局也收到戒严部队指挥部的报告，指出部队已经做好协助稳定首都现状的必要准备。种种因素让大多数中央政治局委员接受了戒严的必要性和合法性的说法，也同意之后借由武力清场以解决政治危机的方案。

6月2日，随着学生的抗议运动有所增加，高层以武力解决政治危机的看法更加巩固。同日，高层再度召开会议，最终同意实施清场以“能够结束暴乱并且恢复首都秩序”。他们一致认为应尽可能和平地完成天安门广场的清场任务，但如果示威群众不愿配合的话，部队也被授权得以使用武力完成任务。国内报纸当天还报导军队部署于北京市十大重要关键地区。

6月2日晚间，一辆警方吉普车在行进时不慎撞击4名平民，并且造成3人死亡，这件事造成示威群众开始担心军队和警察试图进驻天安门广场。

对此学生领袖随即发出紧急命令，要求在主要的十字路口设置路障以防止部队进入城市中心。

6月3日上午，学生和居民则发现有身穿便衣的军队试图携带武器进入城市，学生团体随即将其抓住并且把武器交还给北京市警方。学生随后于中南海的门口外进行抗议活动，但是遭到警方发射催泪瓦斯驱赶。

另外一批没有携带武器的部队从人民大会堂出现后很快遭到抗议群众包围，并且在混乱中造成数人受伤；之后双方原地坐下并且开始吟唱歌曲，最后部队撤退回到人民大会堂大厅内。

6月3日下午4时30分，李鹏、乔石和姚依林3名中共中央政治局常委会见军方领导人、中共北京市委书记李锡铭、北京市长陈希同和国务院秘书长罗干，最后确定有关戒严实施的具体办法。会议确认将事件定性为“反革命暴乱”，必须果断采取强硬措施扭转局势。会议决定当日夜采取行动，“由周衣冰同志统一指挥解放军和武警部队力量，迅速开进天安门广场，坚决执行戒严任务”。在清场的当天晚上，领导人分别于人民大会堂和中南海监督执行状况。

3日傍晚，中央电视台和北京电视台的新闻广播称戒严部队将会镇压动乱，并警告市民不要前往天安门广场。

Wake up（351）

 

351

 

Liu Xiaosheng said: In 1989, a million people marched continuously, which escalated the situation. Shanghai fashion stores put up banners in solidarity with the student movement, expressing dissatisfaction with inflation in China in the late 1980s. The hunger strike quickly aroused support and sympathy for the students from all over China. So far, the protest movement that had waned at the end of April regained its popularity.

From May 16 to May 18, millions of residents from all walks of life living in Beijing jointly launched a demonstration. This demonstration broke the record for the largest number of people in Beijing since the founding of the People’s Republic of China. Some media reported the number of people It reached 3 million, while the incomplete statistics of the General Office of the Beijing Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China stated that about 1.2 million people from all walks of life participated in the parade on May 17. The Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau has an incomplete statistics on the organizations participating in the parade: There are more than 60 colleges and universities in Beijing, 46 central state agencies and Beijing agencies, 18 scientific research units, more than 60 technical secondary schools, middle schools, and primary schools in Beijing, 14 press and publishing units, 22 universities in other places, Beijing factories, There are 78 companies, 9 hospitals, 18 democratic parties, mass organizations, and religions, 2 rural areas, 6 art groups, 3 sports circles, 7 restaurants, and financial and trade organizations; At the same time, many grassroots organizations of the Communist Party of China, the Chinese Communist Youth League, and government-funded trade unions also encourage their members to openly participate in the parade.

In addition, some members of the China Democratic Party sent letters to Li Peng to express their opinions, and the Red Cross Society of China also issued a special notice and arranged for a large number of people to go to Tiananmen Square to provide medical services for the hunger strikers.

More than 1,000 intellectuals in Beijing jointly issued the "May 16 Statement", expressing solidarity with the students and criticizing the government's characterization of the student movement as unrest. Writer Ba Jin, poet Ai Qing, scholar Ji Xianlin and others participated in the signing.

Protestors in the capital's news circles began to unfurl the banners of the news agency (Taiwan), People's Daily's banners of "clearly oppose the 4.26 editorial" and "Xinhua News Agency, Beijing, May 16: No news today", satirizing the news censorship system.

Chairman of the Central Committee of the four democratic parties, Fei Xiaotong (NLD), Sun Qimeng (Democratic Construction), Lei Jieqiong (Democracy Progress), and Zhou Peiyuan (June 3rd) sent a letter of public appeal to Zhao Ziyang, affirming the student's demands and stating "It is recommended that the main leaders of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council meet with the students as soon as possible and have a dialogue." Zhu Xuefan, chairman of the Kuomintang Central Committee, and twelve members of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress also issued urgent appeals, which were published by the People's Daily.

Members of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, first-level professors Hou Jianqun and Zhao Minshun walked in the front of the demonstration. Their banners read: "Strongly demand the government to immediately agree to the students' three demands" and "Save the country more than people."

According to Xinhua News Agency, the 77-year-old famous scholar Ji Xianlin went to the square to visit the students in person. With the support of the students, he stepped into the hunger strike students step by step, hugged the disciple who was lying on his back on the ground, and burst into tears.

The banner signed by the famous writer "Old Bing Xin" reads "Students love the country, I love students!"

Mathematicians Chen Jingrun and Wang Yuan jointly shouted, "The burden on the students is too heavy, let us bear some!"

Singer Li Guyi, dancer Chen Ailian and others came to the command center of the students under the monument. More than 30 members of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference came here to appeal to Chairman Li Xiannian to urge the government to talk as soon as possible.

In Tiananmen Square, even the staff of the Museum of the Chinese Revolution raised a symbolic V-sign flag on the roof of the museum building to show their attitude. Experts and staff from the Palace Museum also formed a team and walked out of the Palace Museum holding banners to express their gratitude to the students on hunger strike. support.

During the parade, there were rare religious figures who came and went and did not participate in social movements. Buddhist monks held up slogans such as "King Kong is angry and fearless", "Promoting the Dharma freely and broadening all living beings". Protestant Christians, clergy and seminary staff also Holding up the cross during the parade, Muslims of various ethnic minorities in Islam held up scriptures written in Arabic letters to support the students and express their demands for respecting Muslim customs.

Medical staff from dozens of hospitals in Beijing participated in the parade wearing white coats, and volunteered to provide assistance to students who were unwell during the hunger strike. Some doctors were moved to tears during the process of persuading the students.

Workers from various industries and organizations including the Capital Iron and Steel Plant, Beijing Dongfeng TV Factory, Beijing Jeep Automobile Co., Ltd., and the Ministry of Railways, as well as large and medium-sized enterprises participated in the parade, and some workers rode in heavy vehicles.

Farmers from surrounding counties even took agricultural vehicles to form a convoy to the city center to participate in the parade, causing traffic disruption for a time.

Some police officers from Beijing volunteered to go to the square to distribute drinks to the students, and a large parade of police officers marched along the way to make a V sign to the masses, winning warm applause from the masses.

When the parade team from the head office of the People's Bank of China passed the east gate of the Great Hall of the People, they kept shouting: "No loans to officials!" The judges of the People's Court also came to the scene to express their support; more than 700 students from the China Police University spontaneously came to the square in the early morning of the 18th to help the students maintain order and ensure the unimpeded flow of the ambulance lane from the southeast entrance of the square to the front gate.

Elementary and middle school students also participated in the parade, and some elementary school students wearing red scarves shouted slogans such as "My brother and I are of one mind".

On May 18, 1989, the People's Daily reported on the parade and hunger strike.

With the breaking of media reporting restrictions, radio and television newspapers began to publish solidarity from all walks of life at this moment. The period from May 17 to 19 was also evaluated as "the three days with the most freedom for Chinese journalists."

For the first time, China Central Television broadcast the truthful report on the situation in Tiananmen Square in the TV news, and some journalists and employees of CCTV also formed a large parade procession to Chang'an Street, and pulled up huge banners to call names. Ai Zhisheng, Minister of Radio and Television and Director of CCTV, resigned; and the People's Daily published a news on the front page on May 18 with the headline "More than a million people from all walks of life in the capital marched in solidarity with college students who petitioned on hunger strike", becoming the first in the history of the newspaper. The "most politically open" page reported in great detail the appeals of people from all walks of life in Beijing during the parade and their sympathy for the students on hunger strike, and even directly quoted some of the anti-government slogans that appeared in the parade , and listed the names of a number of factories and hospitals that participated in the support, and more than a thousand employees of the People's Daily also participated in the parade, many of whom were well-known senior editors and reporters in the news industry; workers The daily newspapers continuously published "10,000 Workers of the Beijing Electron Tube Factory Appealed" and other reports on the working class' stance and participation in the pro-democracy movement, as well as the positive responses of the cadres of the trade unions to the workers' appeals.

After Gorbachev left China, many foreign journalists decided to stay in China and report on the protests in the capital, Beijing, which brought the student movement into the international spotlight and prompted some Western governments to appeal to the Chinese government Exercise restraint.

In addition to Beijing, students from all over China poured into the capital Beijing one after another to participate in the student movement; and protests of various scales broke out in more than 400 cities across China, including the Fujian Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China, Hubei Province of the Communist Party of China The Party Committee and the Party Committee of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region of the Communist Party of China were even affected by the student demonstrations.

But the lack of clear positioning by China's central leadership for the demonstrations launched by Beijing left local authorities wondering how to deal with the local student movement. And because the demonstrations merged many social issues with a wide range and different concerns, it made it impossible for the Chinese government to clearly analyze which issues could be negotiated, or even what demands the demonstrations made. At the same time, because the hunger strike itself has "sacrifice characteristics", this makes it very difficult for the Chinese government, which is gradually losing its authority and legitimacy.

Under the pressure of various factors, the Chinese government began to discuss martial law as a feasible means to deal with the demonstrations.

On May 18, Li Peng met with student representatives for the first time in the Great Hall of the People, and hoped to appease the hunger strike that had attracted public attention. During the meeting, the student leaders once again asked the Chinese government to revoke the "April 26 Editorial" and affirm the student movement as a "patriotic act." However, Li Peng said that the government's main concern is the patients sent to the hospital for treatment because of the hunger strike. Although the discussion produced only a few tangible results, it also earned student leaders a spot on a major national television program.

In the early morning of May 19, Zhao Ziyang went to Tiananmen Square accompanied by Wen Jiabao, director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee, while Li Peng, who had heard the news, accompanied him and left immediately after arriving at the square.

At 4:50 a.m., Zhao Ziyang directly called on the students to end the hunger strike through a loudspeaker, and told the students that they should live healthy and see the day when China realizes the four modernizations. This was his last public appearance.

On May 23, another million-person parade was held in Beijing, and the parade team chanted slogans to let Li Peng step down.

Liu Xiaosheng said: It is shocking that a case of defacement of Mao Zedong's statue in Tiananmen Square happened at this time.

At 2:00 pm on May 23, 1989, three youths from Liuyang City, Hunan Province, Lu Decheng, Yu Dongyue, and Yu Zhijian, damaged the huge portrait of Mao Zedong hanging in Tiananmen Square in Beijing. The three initially traveled to Beijing on May 19 in solidarity with the students who protested the June 4th Tiananmen Square incident who advocated anti-corruption and demanded political reform. However, they advocated the complete overthrow of the current government and the establishment of a democratic government.

Although Yu Zhijian and Yu Dongyue mentioned the proposal and declaration to the student leaders, they did not receive a reply. Afterwards, Lu Decheng, Yu Dongyue, and Yu Zhijian felt that it was impossible to have further dialogue with the students, so on May 22, the three began to plan the destruction of Mao Zedong's portrait.

They first bought 20 eggs nearby and filled them with paint, and then arrived near the portrait to prepare for the operation.

The three first hung the slogans "The 5,000-year dictatorship can come to an end here" and "The cult of personality can now end" on the Tiananmen Gate Tower, and soon threw eggshells full of paint on the portrait of Mao Zedong.

After that, Lu Decheng, Yu Dongyue and Yu Zhijian were sentenced to 16 years, 20 years and life imprisonment respectively by the people's court.

This incident of defacement of the Mao Zedong statue in Tiananmen Square actually changed the nature of the 1989 student movement and provided an excuse for the June 4 martial law clearance.

 

醒悟（351）

 

351

 

刘效胜说：1989年连续百万人游行，使局势升级。上海时装商店挂出了声援学生运动的横幅，表达对1980年代末中国通货膨胀的不满。绝食抗议的作法很快便引起中国各地对于学生的支持和同情，至此原本于四月底声势衰退的抗议行动重新获得声望。

在5月16日至5月18日期间数百万名居住于北京市的各行各业居民共同发起示威游行，此次游行打破中华人民共和国成立以来北京市最大规模游行人数纪录，一些媒体报道人数达300万，而中共北京市委办公厅对5月17日当天的不完全统计则称有120万左右的各界民众参加了游行，北京市公安局对参与大游行的机构有一份不完全的统计：北京高校60余所，中央国家机关和北京市机关46个，科研单位18个，北京市的中专、中学、小学60余所，新闻出版单位14个，外地的大学22所，北京的工厂、公司78个，医院9个，民主党派、群众团体、宗教18个，农村2个，文艺团体6个，体育界3个，饭店、财贸7个；而参与者还包括有中国人民解放军军人、警察人员、国务院等国家机关和中央直属机关人员、中国共产党党员或者是基层的政府官员，同时许多中国共产党基层组织、中国共产主义青年团以及政府资助的工会也鼓励其成员公开参与游行活动。

此外一些中国民主党派党员致信给李鹏以表达意见，而中国红十字会也特别下达通知并且安排大量人员前往天安门广场为绝食群众提供医疗服务。

北京1000多名知识分子联署发表了《五一六声明》，声援学生，批评政府对学运的动乱定性。作家巴金、诗人艾青、学者季羡林等参与签名。

首都新闻界的游行人士开始打出了本社(台)的横幅，人民日报的“旗帜鲜明地反对4.26社论”和“新华社北京5月16日电:今日无新闻”的横幅，讽刺新闻审查制度。

四个民主党派中央委员会主席费孝通（民盟）、孙起孟（民建）、雷洁琼（民进）、周培源（九三）向赵紫阳致函公开呼吁信，信中肯定学生诉求，并“建议中共中央、国务院的主要领导人尽快会见学生，进行对话”。民革中央主席朱学范和十二位人大常委亦分别发出紧急呼吁，并被人民日报刊登。

全国政协委员、一级教授侯建群和赵敏顺走在游行示威的最前面，他们的横幅是：“强烈要求政府立即答应学生三点要求”“救人更要救国”。

根据新华社报道，77岁高龄的著名学家季羡林亲身前往广场探望学生，在学生的搀扶下一步一颠地走进绝食学生中，拥抱着仰卧在地上的弟子，老泪纵横。

署名著名作家“冰心老人”的横幅写着“学生爱国，我爱学生！”

数学家陈景润和王元共同疾呼“学生们的负担太重了，让我们承担一些吧！”

歌唱演员李谷一、舞蹈演员陈爱莲等人来到纪念碑下学生的指挥中心，她们30多位政协委员到此是为呼吁李先念主席督促政府尽快对话。

在天安门广场，甚至中国革命博物馆的工作人员为表明态度在博物馆楼顶升起在运动中具有象征性的V字手势旗，故宫博物院的专家和工作人员亦组成队伍手持横幅走出故宫表达对绝食学生的支持。

游行中罕见的出现了往来不参与社会运动的宗教人士，佛教的和尚举起“金刚怒目 大雄无畏”“弘法自由 广度众生”等标语，基督新教的基督徒、神职人员与神学院教职人员亦在游行中举起十字架，伊斯兰教的各少数民族穆斯林举起用阿拉伯字母书写的经文支持学生，并借此表达尊重穆斯林习俗的诉求。

北京市数十间医院的医护人员身穿白大褂参与游行，并志愿为绝食中身体不适的学生提供救助，一些医生在劝导学生过程中激动落泪。

包括首都钢铁厂、北京东风电视机厂、北京吉普汽车有限公司、铁道部等在内的各产业和组织及大中企业的工人参与游行，部分工人乘坐重型汽车。

周边县区的农民更乘坐农耕载具组成车队前往市中心参与游行，一度造成交通中断。

北京市有公安干警志愿前往广场为学生派发饮料，也有人数众多的公安警察人员的游行队伍沿途游行向群众比V字手势，赢得群众热烈的掌声欢迎。

中国人民银行总行的游行队伍经过人民大会堂东门时，不断呼喊:“不给官倒贷款！”“冻结官倒帐户！”；海关总署的声援队伍喊道:“官倒走私，铁证如山！”；人民法院的法官也到现场声援；中国警官大学的700多名学生18日凌晨自发来到广场协助学生维持秩序，保证了从广场东南口至前门之间救护车道的畅通无阻。

中小学生亦参与游行，并有身戴红领巾的小学生呼喊“我和哥哥一条心”等口号。

1989年5月18日人民日报对大游行及绝食进行了报道。

随着媒体报道限制的打破，广播电视报纸在这一刻开始刊登社会各界的声援，5月17日到19日这段日子也被评价为“中国记者最自由的三天”。

中国中央电视台首次在电视新闻中播出了天安门广场上情况的如实报道，而央视的部分新闻工作者和职工亦组成人数庞大的游行队伍前往长安街游行，并且拉起巨大的横幅，点名要求时任广播电视部部长兼央视台长艾知生辞职；而人民日报5月18日在头版刊登了以《首都各界百余万人游行 声援绝食请愿的大学生》为标题的新闻，成为该报历史上“最具政治开放性”的版面，以极大的篇幅详细报道了北京市各行各业的人在游行中的诉求和对绝食学生的同情，甚至直接引用了在游行中出现的部分反政府标语，并统计列出了多个参与声援的工厂和医院等单位组织的名称，而人民日报社过千名职工也参加了游行，其中不少在新闻届有名望的高级编辑记者亦在其中；工人日报连续刊登《北京电子管厂万名职工发出呼吁》等工人阶级层面表态和参与民运的报道以及各总工会干部对工人呼吁的积极回应。

而在戈尔巴乔夫离开中国后，许多外国记者仍决定继续留在中国并且报导于首都北京市进行的抗议活动，这使得学生运动成为国际关注的焦点并且也让一些西方国家政府呼吁中国政府保持克制。

除了北京当地，来自中国各地的学生陆陆续续涌进首都北京市以参与学生运动；而在中国各地四百多个城市也爆发规模不一的抗议活动，其中包括中共福建省委、中共湖北省委以及中共新疆维吾尔自治区党委机关甚至都遭到学生示威游行的影响。

但是由于中国中央领导高层迟迟没有针对北京发起的示威活动有明确的定位，这使得地方当局不知道如何处理当地的学生运动。而且因为示威活动合并了许多范围广泛且关注点不同的社会议题，这使得中国政府无法清楚分析哪些议题可以谈判，乃至于不清楚示威活动提出了哪些诉求。与此同时由于绝食抗议的行动其本身便具有“牺牲特质”，这使得无论是权威性还是合法性都因此而逐渐丧失的中国政府感到十分棘手。

在种种因素所形成庞大的压力情况下，中国政府内部开始讨论将戒严作为一种应对示威活动的可行手段。

5月18日，李鹏在人民大会堂首次与学生代表会面，并且希望能够安抚受到大众关注的绝食行为。在会谈中学生领袖再次要求中国政府撤销《四二六社论》并且肯定学生运动为“爱国举动”，但对此李鹏则表示政府主要关切的是因为绝食而送往医院诊治的患者。尽管这次讨论仅取得了少数实质成果，但是学生领袖也因此得以在国家电视台重要节目上有了出现的机会。

5月19日凌晨，赵紫阳则在中共中央办公厅主任温家宝陪同下前往天安门广场，而听闻消息陪同前往的李鹏则是抵达广场后马上离开。

赵紫阳在凌晨4时50分时借由扩音器直接呼吁学生结束绝食，并且告诉学生应该健康地活着，看到中国实现四个现代化的那一天。这是他最后一次公开露面。

5月23日，北京再次举行了百万人大游行，游行队伍喊出让李鹏下台的口号。

刘效胜说：令人震惊的是这时发生了一起天安门毛泽东像污损案。

在1989年5月23日下午2时，3位来自湖南省浏阳市的青年鲁德成、喻东岳和余志坚毁损了北京市天安门所悬挂的巨幅毛泽东画像。三人最初为了声援主张反对贪腐和要求政治改革的六四天安门事件抗议学生，而在5月19日前往北京市，然而他们则主张完全推翻现政府并且建立民执政府。

尽管余志坚和喻东岳曾经向学生领导人提及建议和宣言但并没有获得答复。之后，鲁德成、喻东岳和余志坚认为无法和学生有进一步对话，于是三人于5月22日开始策划针对毛泽东画像的破坏行动。

他们先是于附近购买了20颗鸡蛋并且填满油漆，之后就抵达画像附近准备展开行动。

三人先是于天安门城楼悬挂“五千年专制到此可以告一段落”和“个人崇拜从今可以休矣”标语，不久便将盛满颜料的蛋壳扔向毛泽东画像上。

之后鲁德成、喻东岳和余志坚分别被人民法院判处16年有期徒刑、20年有期徒刑和无期徒刑。

这起天安门毛泽东像污损案，实际上也改变了八九学运的性质，为六四戒严清场提供了籍口。