Wake up（330）

 

330

 

There is no gold without gold, and no one is perfect. Hu Yaobang also had shortcomings.

Du Runsheng said of him, "Innocence, he is generous, sometimes promises too much, sometimes loses rigor, but his flaws do not hide his strengths, and they will not damage his brilliance."

Ren Zhongyi said that he "always treats people with kindness and has no defense against others."

Wu Jiang said of him, "He is a naive person who doesn't seem to have much political scheming."

But intellectuals like this civilian leader. After his death, a sentence written by Zhang Gefei, a reporter from "Science and Technology Daily", expresses the aspirations of intellectuals: "It is better to listen to the truth full of loopholes than to listen to the leaky lies. "

The people have not forgotten Yaobang. On November 11, 1988, Yaobang went back to his hometown to relax. After taking a walk in Zhangjiajie in the evening, the crowd waiting in the courtyard of the hotel, "suddenly burst into warm applause, and some people shouted excitedly: 'Comrade Yaobang, please take a photo with us!'" When visiting along the Golden Whip Creek the next day, He was recognized again, "Thousands of tourists crowded the side of the road and applauded to welcome him. After walking a few steps, some people gathered around and shook hands with him for a photo."

Lao Pantou said to Nanyang Sheng:

Hu Yaobang is an anomaly both in the political culture of the East and in the political culture of socialist countries. When people think of political leaders, they tend to conjure up such portraits: tall and tall in appearance, full of charisma, good at power strategy, majestic and intimidating, manipulative, and powerful. Hu Yaobang, who has been in a high position for decades and has been the party chairman and general secretary for seven years, does not fit these characteristics at all: he is short in stature, lives a casual life, has a democratic style, is selfless, has no government, and does not like to engage in power struggles. Various aspects of Hu Yaobang's political personality can be regarded as a special case in Chinese political culture.

After Hu Yaobang returned with Deng Xiaoping's return to power, he served as the head of the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the general secretary. His contribution to reform and opening up was mainly in politics.

Old Pantou said to Nanyangsheng, I was purged during the land reform, and I was not able to escape the catastrophe in various political movements afterwards. In the previous political campaigns in the Mao Zedong era, not only all kinds of social elites, property owners, people related to the old regime, officials at all levels of the CCP, celebrities and intellectual groups were purged, but also a large number of civilians were purged. A political pariah defined as "land, rich, anti, bad, right". Hu Yaobang presided over the rehabilitative work when he was the head of the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the CPC. Modern concept of equal treatment.

When the Cultural Revolution just ended, how to deal with the "April-Five Tiananmen Movement" was one of the focal points of the dispute between the "reformists" and the "everything faction", and it also involved the big issue of how to deal with the spontaneous movements of the people in the future. Hu Yaobang insisted on rehabilitating the "April-Five Movement" at the Central Meeting, and supported the "People's Daily" chaired by Hu Jiwei to publish a long commentary in order to cooperate with the resolution of the Central Work Conference to rehabilitate the "April-Five Movement". On December 21, 1978, "People's Daily" published the article "Long Live the People!" ".

I remember that this article occupied the main pages of the first, second, and third pages. It not only fully affirmed the great significance of the "April-Five Movement" in ending the Cultural Revolution, but also highly praised the justice of the people's spontaneous movement: "Before the movement occurred, , no one will call, mobilize, or organize, and no one will first determine the goals of the struggle, draw up the struggle program, and prepare the banner of the struggle. The masses of the people are not only the brave fighters of this movement, but also outstanding organizers and leaders. Commander..." "...really rose from the general awakening. They not only made clear political demands and economic demands, but also tried to push their own way, their own means, their own steps to realize these demands It is a great review of not only the hearts of the party, the army, and the people, but also the people's wisdom, talent, art of struggle, and creativity. .” This article not only fully affirmed the “Fourth Five-Year Movement”, but also played a stimulating role in the development of the “Xidan Democracy Wall” movement.

Old Pantou said that Hu Yaobang's vindication not only benefited the social elites, but also benefited the general public, liberating both from the long-term political discrimination, ending the class discrimination and status discrimination that made people never get ahead, and The resulting dark ages of total social discrimination. When the overthrown veterans of the CCP came back one after another, when batches of celebrities and intellectuals who were labeled as rightists regained the respect of society, countless ordinary farmers, workers, clerks, The unemployed... also unloaded the burden of political pariahs, allowing hundreds of millions of Chinese to return to society with equal political status. Hu Yaobang’s rehabilitating regardless of high and low was a bold and tolerant political decision in the late 1970s when the brutal class struggle had just ended. people.

Lao Pantou said that Hu Yaobang also presided over and promoted the "ideological liberation" movement and comprehensive reform.

As early as January 20, 1983, Hu Yaobang delivered a speech "Construction and Reform of the Four Modernizations" at the National Workers' Ideological and Political Work Conference, aiming at the lame reforms that only changed the countryside but not the cities, and only changed the economy and not politics. For the first time, the idea of "comprehensive reform" was put forward. Hu Yaobang said: "Proceed from reality, reform comprehensively and systematically, and reform resolutely and orderly." The old framework, the old clichés, and the old style of work must delve into new situations, solve new problems, sum up new experience, and create new rules.” Moreover, Hu Yaobang also proposed for the first time the “three favorable” standards for measuring the success of reforms: whether it is beneficial Whether building socialism with Chinese characteristics is conducive to the prosperity and development of the country, and whether it is conducive to the prosperity and happiness of the people.

Old Pantou sighed and said: Regrettably, in future official documents, after making slight changes to the "three benefits", the invention right belongs to Deng Xiaoping.

However, Hu Qiaomu objected to Hu Yaobang's speech on "comprehensive reform" and specially asked Qin Chuan and Wang Ruoshui to warn: Hu Yaobang's speech at the workers' political and ideological work meeting had nothing to do with the spirit of the Twelfth National Congress, and there were some things that were inconsistent with the spirit of the Twelfth National Congress. place. Therefore, do not publicize a certain speech by a certain leader of the central government, let alone use it as a propaganda center.

Behind Hu Qiaomu is Chen Yun's support. Chen Yun challenged Hu Yaobang at the previous Politburo meeting and severely criticized Hu Yaobang: 1. Hu did not understand the economy and blindly pursued economic speed, because the growth rate proposed by Chen Yun was 4%, while Hu Yaobang proposed 7%; Chen Yun even hinted at Hu Yaobang They should be delegated to the Ministry of Finance or the State Planning Commission to learn and exercise. 2. Oppose "comprehensive reform", especially "urban reform".

This public case was finally handed over to Deng Xiaoping for decision. Deng Xiaoping was still on the side of Hu Yaobang and said: "The record is still the main thing" and the debate "stops here."

Old Pantou said: It is well known that Hu Yaobang presided over and promoted the "ideological emancipation" movement. He promoted and presided over the discussion on the "standard of truth" and presided over a "theoretical retreat" that was of great significance to the emancipation of the mind. He also personally participated in the " Practice is the sole criterion for testing truth" revision of the article. Hu Yaobang proposed "living Marxism-Leninism" in response to the dogmatic Marxism-Leninism: Marxism-Leninism is not a rigid dogma and a static thought, but a living thought that constantly adjusts itself with the development of the times. It should be admitted that Marxism is a product of a specific era, so it must have its limitations and cannot fully answer the questions we face today. Therefore, in order to develop Marxism creatively, we must bravely face the new era theoretically, and answer and solve new problems that Marx did not raise or answer. It can be said that his interpretation of Marxism as the new leader of the CCP promoted the emancipation of the mind at that time, and even surpassed the discussion of the "standard of truth" on a deeper level.

Hu Yaobang also advocated creative freedom in culture and art. At the first national cultural congress held after the Cultural Revolution, many old rightists who had been rehabilitated attended the meeting. At the meeting, Zhou Yang admitted his mistake of acting as a thug to purge the intellectual circles, and expressed his gratitude to the "anti-Hu Feng" and "anti-Hu Feng" Right" to apologize to the purged intellectuals. Afterwards, Hu Yaobang attended the meeting and delivered a speech on behalf of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. He not only reiterated the policy of "let a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend", but also proposed for the first time in the history of the CCP that the ruling party should respect creative freedom. He proposed that the party should not interfere with literary and artistic creation and academic research, but should respect the uniqueness of intellectuals and their spiritual labor, and guarantee creative freedom and academic freedom. Hu Yaobang's speech provided an amnesty from high-level decision-making for the emancipation of the mind and the prosperity of literature and art, and made many writers who suffered from the literary prison feel grateful.

Hu Yaobang also pushed for press reform and freedom of speech. Hu Yaobang publicly expressed his dissent when Deng Xiaoping suppressed the "Democracy Wall". He believes that the existence of critical speech should be allowed, as the dissent expressed on the Democracy Wall just represents the voice of the people. After the Democracy Wall was banned, Hu Yaobang agreed with Mr. Hu Jiwei's proposal of "establishing a democracy park", and instructed Hu Jiwei to discuss the implementation with the Beijing Municipal Party Committee. Later, Beijing proposed to set up a big-character poster area in Yuetan Park.

At the beginning of the reform, Hu Yaobang supported the "People's Daily" to initiate a big discussion on the newspaper's "party spirit and people's spirit", and supported and protected the enlightened orientation of "China Youth Daily" and "China Youth" magazine after the Cultural Revolution. At the same time, Hu Yaobang also directly promoted the preparations for the drafting of China's first "Press and Publication Law".

As early as 1978 at the Fifth National People's Congress and the Political Consultative Conference, some deputies to the National People's Congress and members of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference re-introduced a proposal to formulate a press law to protect freedom of speech and publication. At the Sixth National People's Congress and Political Consultative Conference in 1983, more deputies and members put forward the same proposal. Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, who were in charge of the work of the central government at that time, attached great importance to these proposals, and asked the relevant departments to respond to the news law proposals, and instructed the Central Propaganda Department to study and propose solutions. With the support of Hu and Zhao, Zhu Houze, who was then head of the Central Propaganda Department, and Zhong Peizhang, director of the Information Bureau, began to actively promote the drafting of the "News Law".

In December 1983, the Information Bureau of the Central Propaganda Department invited the heads of the Legislative Committee of the National People's Congress and the Education, Science, Culture and Health Committee to discuss and formally decided to start preparations for the drafting of the News Law. The specific work is led by the Education, Science, Culture and Health Committee of the National People's Congress, and Comrade Hu Jiwei is responsible for coordinating the drafting team composed of multiple departments. In May 1984, the Council of the Capital Journalism Society was convened to discuss news legislation issues. The "News Law Research Office" jointly organized by the Education, Science, Culture and Health Committee of the National People's Congress and the Institute of Journalism of the Academy of Social Sciences was established, and published irregularly. "News Law Newsletter", edited and published "Selected Press and Publication Laws of Various Countries", including the press and publication laws of the late Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China.

Although Hu Yaobang was forced to step down in early 1987, the work of drafting the press law did not stop when Zhao Ziyang presided over the overall situation. Regrettably, the 1989 Movement and the tragedy of the June 4th Massacre caused the follow-up work of the "News Law" to be completely shelved.

Hu Yaobang protected the enthusiasm and actions of intellectuals, journalists and college students demanding political reform and freedom of the press to the best of his ability.

In March 1979, after Deng Xiaoping ordered the arrest of Wei Jingsheng, a member of the Xidan Democracy Wall, Hu Yaobang made a speech at the Second Session of the Fifth National People's Congress held in June of the same year, expressing his dissenting opinion on the punishment for words: "I always support anyone Under the system, we can exercise our democratic rights. I hope that everyone can enjoy the greatest freedom under the protection of the Constitution. Although at the Central Work Conference and this NPC meeting, many comrades criticized me whether they named me or not. Backing the central government, supporting the so-called democratization movement that violates the 'Four Cardinal Principles' and promoting anarchism, but I still want to maintain my own views." Moreover, he specifically mentioned Wei Jingsheng's arrest publicly, saying: "I advise comrades not to arrest people for fighting, let alone arrest them for detention. Those who dare to raise these issues may not care about being imprisoned. Wei Jingsheng has been in prison for more than three months. Once he dies, he will become a martyr among the masses. He is a martyr in everyone's hearts." Although Hu Yaobang failed to keep Wei Jingsheng, Xu Wenli, Ren Wanding, and Liu Qing, others during the Democracy Wall period, such as Wang Juntao and Hu Ping, were protected from prison under Hu Yaobang's protection. disaster.

At the same time, when Deng Xiaoping suppressed the Democracy Wall, the "People's Daily" published the article "Political Issues Can Be Discussed" by Mr. Guo Luoji, a liberal intellectual, focusing on the principles of "talkers are innocent" and "words cannot be punished". . The Maoists in the party immediately accused the article of defending Wei Jingsheng, and Hu Qiaomu was even more annoyed. He sent a small report to Deng Xiaoping, accusing the "People's Daily" of blatantly exonerating Wei Jingsheng's crimes.

The main crime Hu Yaobang was forced to step down was that he was "hard with one hand and soft with the other" and did not follow Deng Xiaoping's "tough with both hands" instructions in dealing with intellectuals, especially the college students who were involved in the 1986 student movement. Therefore, Deng Xiaoping accused: Under the patronage of Hu Yaobang, the ideological and cultural circles have always been in a state of weakness and laxity, turning the largest party newspaper "People's Daily" into the main position of "bourgeois liberalization." Deng Xiaoping also accused Hu Yaobang of conniving and protecting representatives of bourgeois liberalization. It was Liu Binyan, Wang Ruoshui, Hu Jiwei, Fang Lizhi, Xia Yan, Ba Jin, and Zhou Yang, who were protected by Hu Yaobang, that led to the proliferation of bourgeois liberalization and the eight The birth of the Sixth School Movement.

In 1986, when preparing the documents for the Sixth Plenary Session of the Twelfth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Hu Yaobang and the extreme left in the party had a dispute over whether to include the terms "opposition to bourgeois liberalization" and "cleaning of spiritual pollution" into the resolution. sharp conflict. Hu Yaobang insisted not to include these two formulations, and Deng Liqun and others insisted on including them. Both sides submitted their proposals to Deng Xiaoping many times, but neither of them got the final approval from Deng Xiaoping. The final showdown took place at the Beidaihe Conference. The document had already deleted "removal of spiritual pollution", leaving only "opposition to bourgeois liberalization". Hu Yaobang still insisted on deleting it, and got the support of Lu Dingyi, Wan Li and others, while Deng Liqun insisted on keeping it, and got the support of Peng Zhen and Yang Shangkun. In the end, it was Deng Xiaoping who kept his promise: I was the one who proposed the opposition to bourgeois liberalization. Thus, Hu Yaobang's defeat was set.

Throughout the period of the ideological liberation movement, Hu Yaobang's enlightened style and honest personality had a strong cohesive force among social celebrities and intellectual elites. When he and Zhao Ziyang jointly resisted the "cleaning of pollution" and made it go away, and were forced to step down because of his enlightened stance in dealing with the "anti-liberalization movement" and the 1986 student movement, he was very sympathetic to the intellectual elite, all walks of life, and society. The appeal of celebrities and young college students has reached a level that no previous party chairman or general secretary of the CCP can match.

Another main reason that led to Hu Yaobang's resignation was that he strongly advocated the abolition of life tenure, and publicly expressed his willingness to retire with Deng Xiaoping. He set an example for the whole party and let the people see the CCP's determination to abolish life tenure and carry out political reforms. In fact, as early as before and after the 12th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, Hu Yaobang had deliberately arranged for Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun and other veterans to keep a low profile as much as possible. Playing the role of sowing discord, Deng Xiaoping's personal feeling is: With the increase of power, Hu Yaobang became a little bit hard-winged, disobedient, and arbitrary. Deng Xiaoping, who didn't want to give up the supreme power at all, must view Hu Yaobang's persuasion from the perspective of fighting for power and profit, and interpreted Hu Yaobang's public intentions as selfish desires. Therefore, on the issue of Hu Yaobang's removal, he was so urgent that he disregarded any organizational procedures within the party, and even abandoned the superficial procedures for adapting to the situation. He adopted the method of rule of man based entirely on private decisions. According to the "Deng Xiaoping Chronicle" published in 2004: On January 13, 1987, "In the afternoon, I discussed Hu Yaobang's mistakes with Yang Shangkun and others at the place of residence. During the conversation, I proposed a 'soft treatment'. Everyone agreed." The next February On the 4th, "In the morning, I discussed the personnel work of the 13th National Congress of the Communist Party of China with Yang Shangkun, Bo Yibo, Yao Yilin, Wang Zhen, Song Renqiong, Wu Xiuquan, and Gao Yang at the place of residence." In fact, it was the removal of Hu Yaobang.

A political party with tens of millions of members has no party congress or Politburo meeting to decide whether the party leader will stay or not and the party’s new leadership. The conversation is decided. The Deng family is the secret room where the Supreme Emperor exercises absolute power, which is equivalent to the harem of the Empress Dowager Cixi.

It is precisely because Hu Yaobang's resignation is too out of order and too contrary to morality, and because Hu Yaobang's political virtues have won the hearts of the party, so Hu Yaobang's resignation has received widespread sympathy from the party and the public, and he was able to win the 13th National Congress of the Communist Party of China with a high vote. Elected member of the Central Committee and member of the Politburo. In the election of members of the Politburo, Hu Yaobang won 166 votes out of 173 members of the Central Committee. Of the 7 votes that were not cast for him, one vote was his own. Therefore, Hu Yaobang's unjust death was able to arouse widespread sympathy and righteous indignation inside and outside the system, triggering the 1989 Movement, which was a bottom-up mobilization of the whole people with college students as the main body.

Old Pantou said to Nan Yangsheng: You are still young, and you are a Ph.D. in group psychology. You should study contemporary Chinese figures and contemporary history. Hu Yaobang is the most worthy of study and admiration.

Hu Yaobang's denial of the "Cultural Revolution" was the most thorough. He had a comprehensive understanding of Mao Zedong, and he did not follow blindly during the "Cultural Revolution". When discussing the standard of truth, he was the most steadfast, and the resistance came not only from Hua Guofeng and Wang Dongxing, but also from Hu Qiaomu and others. When rehabilitating unjust, false and wrongly decided cases, Wang Dongxing refused to submit the first, second, and third files, such as the "61 case", Hu Yaobang started a new investigation. When he was in the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, he strongly advocated the normalization and democratization of life in the party, which should develop healthily, and must avoid the past mistakes of patriarchal system and one person has the final say. He also presided over the drafting of "Several Guidelines for Political Life in the Party". He often said that you must never trust anyone, and you must think independently.

Hu Yaobang believed that the Party could no longer be harmed by the "Left". He attaches great importance to the principles of freedom, democracy, and humanity, is familiar with the development history of the West, and is willing to accept new ideas from outside.

Old Pantou said to Nan Yangsheng: After smashing the 'Gang of Four', he has three suggestions: stop criticizing Deng, redress unjust, false and wrong cases, and arrest production. But what is regrettable and lamentable is that after rehabilitating unjust, false and wrongly decided cases, those who were rehabilitated and regained power have ruthlessly dealt with him. He rehabilitated others, but let himself fall into an unjust case. He doesn't have any idea of forming cliques, and he is very disgusted with "who is who". As a result, those who were recommended or promoted by him also became his critics. He has nothing to do with power, never defends himself, and is plotted without knowing it.