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作家、摄影家、民间文艺家

2023年9月4日星期一

Wake up(361)

 


361

 

Because Liu Xiaosheng once served as the reviewing director of the Press and Publication Bureau, his job at that time was to review books, newspapers and periodicals. He revealed to Nan Yangsheng and Pan Tianliang a secret unknown to the world media so far.

Liu Xiaosheng received a notice from the central government requesting to withdraw the published "People's Daily" of the day. This is a rare event, why should the "People's Daily" be withdrawn that day? Liu Xiaosheng read and re-read the newspaper of the day. His professional sensitivity made him focus on the large article "Building the Great Wall of Steel Against Peaceful Evolution" at the bottom of the front page. The problem should lie in this report.

Liu Xiaosheng took a special approach after thinking deeply: he had to follow the orders of his superiors, and he had to take back the "People's Daily" of the day as required, but how to do this? He forwarded the notice to the post office, and transferred the responsibility for taking back the People's Daily that day to the post office.

In fact, this notice is also a form of confrontation with Puyan. Afterwards, news came that "Building the Great Wall of Steel Against Peaceful Evolution" was the main point of Jiang Zemin's speech at the Central Party School's provincial and ministerial anti-peaceful evolution study class. At the commemorative meeting for the 70th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, Jiang Zemin also mentioned class struggle again in his speech. He said: "The focus of the current class struggle is the four cardinal principles and the struggle for bourgeois liberalization."

Jiang Zemin talked about "preventing peaceful evolution", obviously following Chen Yun's will. But it angered Deng Xiaoping. Deng Xiaoping scolded for this: Who would dare to invest in China after building the Great Wall of Steel against peaceful evolution? Should China still carry out reform and opening up? Anyone who does not carry out reform and opening up will step down.

Deng Xiaoping criticized Jiang Zemin in his southern tour speeches. In April 1992, when Deng Xiaoping inspected Shougang, he said that Zhu Rongji understood the economy, and he would not be convinced. He also said that it was too late to use Zhu Rongji. The outside world believed that Deng Xiaoping had planned to replace Jiang Zemin with Zhu Rongji.

Jiang Zemin also felt bad at the time. In May, when he went to Yuquan Mountain to visit the drafting team of the 14th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the drafters saw that he was not in a good mood and had a bad complexion. He also said to the drafters: "The report must be written well, no matter who will make this report at the 14th National Congress." He is the general secretary, will anyone else make this report?

The "pens" who are very sensitive to politics feel that Jiang Zemin has something to say, and he lacks confidence in his own status. However, Deng Xiaoping's idea of "changing horses" did not find support among the elderly. Chen Yun said: "The system of Jiang and Li cannot be changed." Bo Yibo said: "There are only three things, and you have already changed three leaders." Refers to Hua Guofeng, Hu Yaobang, and Zhao Ziyang. Both Chen Yun and Bo Yibo opposed Deng Xiaoping's "changing horses".

Faced with the shock wave of Deng Xiaoping's southern tour, Jiang Zemin had to rebalance the balance of power between left and right. Jiang Zemin finally sided with Deng Xiaoping and accepted Deng Xiaoping's southern tour speech. The Shanghai media immediately published a large number of reports and comments praising Deng Xiaoping's southern tour.

On February 28, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China sorted out the main points of Deng Xiaoping's speech on the southern tour, and issued the document No. 2 of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in 1992 to the party committee at the county and regiment level, requesting that it be conveyed to all party members. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China believes that this speech not only has a very important guiding role in the current reform and construction and the opening of the 14th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, but also has great and far-reaching significance for the entire cause of socialist modernization.

From March 9th to 10th, Jiang Zemin presided over a plenary meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee in Beijing. The meeting accepted Deng Xiaoping's southern tour speech.

On March 11, Xinhua News Agency published a long-form report on the Politburo meeting, which was equivalent to reporting to the whole people in the name of the Politburo. At that time, people speculated that the results of this meeting were not published in the form of a meeting communiqué, but in the form of news. Are there any reservations?

In 1926, Jiang Zemin was born in Yangzhou, Jiangsu, which was under the control of the government of the Republic of China. At the age of 13, his uncle Jiang Shangqing, an underground member of the Communist Party of China, died unexpectedly and had no children. Jiang Zemin's father adopted him to Wu Yueqing, Jiang Shangqing's widow. Coincidentally, in 1946, when the Kuomintang and the Communist Party were at war in mainland China, Jiang Zemin, who was studying in the Electrical Engineering Department of Shanghai Jiaotong University, also chose to join the Chinese Communist Party.

At the beginning of his career, Jiang Zemin lived abroad for a long time. He was trained in an automobile factory in Moscow and engaged in diplomatic work in Romania. In Jiang Zemin's approved biography "He Changed China - A Biography of Jiang Zemin", the author Robert Lawrence Kuhn said that Jiang Zemin's international vision began to take shape during this period.

Before he took over the top job of the Communist Party Central Committee, he had no experience in handling national affairs. In the 1980s, Jiang Zemin became the Minister of China's Electronics Industry, and was later promoted to Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China. Neither as a technocrat nor in Shanghai, Jiang Zemin's work attracted little attention, nor did he reveal much of his political ambitions. In "Jiang Zemin Biography", Jiang Zemin's friend Shen Yongnian revealed that Jiang had planned to return to his alma mater, Shanghai Jiaotong University, as a professor after retirement, and return to academia.

What pushed him into the center of power was an important turning point in the history of the CCP—the "June 4th" incident. While Chinese leaders in Beijing are debating how to deal with the student demonstrators occupying Tiananmen Square, Jiang Zemin has quelled similar protests in Shanghai.

In the summer of 1989, the CCP sent troops to suppress student petitioners gathered in Tiananmen Square. Zhao Ziyang, then general secretary of the CCP who advocated political reform, was forced to step down because he opposed Deng Xiaoping’s instructions. Jiang Zemin, then secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, was selected by Deng Xiaoping. He became the nominal supreme leader of the Communist Party of China.

When Jiang Zemin took office, the outside world was not optimistic about his political career prospects. Some people in Shanghai called him a "vase", with too much pretense and no real content. Many see him as merely a transitional figure.

There are also some China observers who criticize him and make harsh remarks. His big glasses, stubborn personality, and unique attire with his trousers almost pulled up to his chest all became the focus of attention. Many have tried to paint him as a dull bureaucrat.

But Jiang Zemin proved that they were all wrong.

After Jiang Zemin became the general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, factional struggles within the CCP have not stopped. Conservatives headed by CCP veteran Chen Yun advocated a planned economy, and Deng Xiaoping, who supported market economic reforms, had always had differences on China's future reform and opening up and economic construction. The "outsider" Jiang Zemin wavered between the two factions, and even tended to be conservative at one point.

He overhauled the propaganda machine to send his message across the country that the movement for greater democracy would not be tolerated.

At this time, Deng Xiaoping was worried that the pace of reform would slow down or even stagnate, and he began to express doubts about Jiang Zemin's way of governing. In 1992, during Deng Xiaoping’s southern tour, he made a statement while visiting Zhuhai, and held a military meeting attended by two vice-chairmen of the Military Commission. At the meeting, Deng Xiaoping did not talk about the military. Jiang Zemin exerted pressure.

Feeling the pressure, Jiang Zemin decided to fully support the new economic reform policy. Since then, in China, the centrally controlled socialist planned economy has ceased to exist, and China has begun to implement market economic reforms under strict government control.

 

In the next thirty years, he gradually mastered military, political, personnel and other powers step by step from a transitional general secretary who was not favored by the outside world, becoming the most powerful person in China after the death of Deng Xiaoping.

October 2011: Jiang Zemin attended the CCP 1911 Revolution Memorial Conference.

September 2014: The CCP’s party consolidation ended, and the three generations of Xi, Jiang and Hu attended the reception together.

January 2015: The Internet report of Jiang Zemin and his family appearing in Hainan was deleted.

April 2015: Jiang Zemin makes an appearance in his hometown of Yangzhou.

September 2015: Jiang Zemin, Li Peng, and Zeng Qinghong appeared at the military parade in Beijing.

During Jiang Zemin's tenure, Hong Kong's sovereignty was transferred, China successfully joined the WTO, and won the right to host the 2008 Olympic Games and the 2010 World Expo. But at the same time, China is plagued by rampant corruption, lackluster political reforms, and widespread unemployment and income inequality.

While every Chinese leader has his own style, Jiang Zemin is definitely one of a kind. He is full of personality, masters English, Russian and other languages, is willing to show off his musical attainments, and doesn't mind showing his "true temperament" occasionally. When he visited the United States, he confidently sang Peking Opera and played the guitar, "talked and laughed happily" with well-known American reporters in English, and once angrily denounced Hong Kong reporters as "too naive".

As China's leader, he guided China through a series of major changes of historic significance. During his reign, China transformed from a backward country into the fastest growing country in the world, and its relations with the West also improved greatly.

He pushed Sino-US relations out of the low tide after the "Tiananmen" crackdown, led China to join the World Trade Organization, deepened market reforms, opened up the "China-speed" economic take-off, and witnessed the transfer of sovereignty of Hong Kong and Macau from Western countries to the Chinese government.

Jiang Zemin was primarily a reformer, not a reformer, and his main goal was to secure the future of the Chinese Communist Party through a series of economic reforms. His critics believe that he only focuses on economic development, neglects political reform, and pays too much attention to personal image. During his tenure, he strengthened the Chinese Communist regime's control over the military, suppressed Falun Gong with an iron fist, and took a tough stance on Taiwan.

After the "June 4th" crackdown, Deng Xiaoping was in the midst of factional struggles within the CCP. In the end, he chose to stand with the hardliners, purged the liberals, and appointed Jiang Zemin as the party's general secretary, in fact confirming his successor status.

"If a country lives and dies for the benefit of the country, it is better to avoid it because of misfortune or good fortune," Jiang Zemin is said to have said when accepting this life-changing personnel arrangement.

After Deng Xiaoping replaced Zhao Ziyang, the general secretary of the Communist Party of China who was forced to step down during the "June 4th" incident in 1989, the Communist Party of China continued to strengthen its control of power under his rule, and he, who was born as an engineer, gradually gained the ability to influence China's political situation . Even though he stepped down from office in 2004, his influence should not be underestimated.

In 1993, Jiang Zemin officially assumed the presidency of China, and became a Chinese leader who combined the three highest positions of General Secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, President of the State and Chairman of the Central Military Commission. By the time of Deng Xiaoping's death in February 1997, Jiang Zemin had had enough time to gain a foothold and installed his cronies from Shanghai in many important positions, including Zhu Rongji, who would become the Chinese government's premier, and the highest official to vice president. Zeng Qinghong and others have more policy decision-making power and leadership.

Liu Xiaosheng said to Nan Yangsheng and Pan Tianliang:

The last time Jiang Zemin appeared in public was in October 2019 at the military parade marking the 70th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China. At that time, he looked a little frail. On the same day, with the support of the two, he walked slowly to the front row on the second floor of the Tiananmen Gate Tower with Xi Jinping and Hu Jintao. During the tens of minutes of the event, he mostly wore sunglasses, sat on a chair specially set up for him, and had little interaction with the parade troops and parade people passing by downstairs. He also didn't respond when he walked past the square carrying a large portrait of him and the slogan "Three Represents" symbolizing his political ideology. This is exactly 30 years since he ascended to the core position of the third-generation leadership of the Communist Party of China.

1 条评论:

  1. Group psychological exploration novel (Shenyang)

    Today is like a crow gathering, and tomorrow will disappear like a beast. This is the case for hooligans, politicians, and ignorance people. Today, you can mix together, and will run counter to the benefit tomorrow. I explore the novels of group psychology, hoping that more people in the world can wake up from nightmares.

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