Wake up（357）

 

Chapter 62 Handover

 

357

 

Youth are the most energetic and creative group, and the most sensitive barometer of the times. Their mental state and ideological trends are not only related to their own healthy growth, but also directly related to the realization of the party and the country's major strategic plans. Youth is a critical period of life. Whether in school or in society, the shaping of the spiritual world is extremely important. Young students are the group with the most active thinking and the strongest ability to accept new things.

The 1989 Movement with young students as the main body, what were those young people thinking? What did you do again? The official media has never affirmed the role of these young people in promoting social progress, but instead identified them as the organizers and initiators of the turmoil. The only one who sympathized with the students was Zhao Ziyang.

Liu Xiaosheng recalled: Deng Xiaoping killed Zhao Ziyang who sympathized with and understood the students after the 1989 student movement, but why did he suddenly let Jiang Zemin take over this class?

Liu Xiaosheng told Nan Yangsheng and other young people about some previously unknown historical details. These details are no longer a secret.

When Deng Xiaoping met Jiang Zemin, who was secretly in Beijing, he threatened him with the words "You have to do it if you do it, and you have to do it if you don't do it."

From May 20 to June 2, 1989, young students were trapped in Tiananmen Square. The citizens of Beijing are like monkeys with burning buttocks, jumping here and there for a while. The army kept besieging the city.

In Beijing, the Big Three Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun, and Li Xiannian had fiercely contested the candidates for their successors. They study personnel affairs, and they usually don't sit together for meetings as people imagine, but they come up with their own ideas and are coordinated by the secretaries. The secretaries always faithfully convey the opinion of the chief, not missing or making mistakes in every sentence.

On the eve of June Fourth, Deng Xiaoping once wanted to keep Zhao Ziyang in the Politburo. But at this time, Deng Xiaoping first proposed: "Song Ping is a member of the Standing Committee."

Chen Yun and Li Xiannian were shocked. Song Ping has been engaged in party affairs and organizations all his life, and he is Chen Yun's protégé. Deng Xiaoping has always been wary of him, so why is he the first to point out his general this time?

But Chen Yun and Li Xiannian immediately understood: Deng Xiaoping is repaying his kindness. At the critical moment, Chen Yun and Li Xiannian sided with Deng Xiaoping, and now Deng Xiaoping gave Song Ping as a gift to Chen and Li.

After Deng Xiaoping proposed that Song Ping be a member of the Standing Committee, he suddenly said something that sounded irrelevant: "No debate for two years."

Chen Yun and Li Xiannian hesitated again. What does this mean? But soon he realized: Deng Xiaoping was shaking an olive branch to them: Song Ping is your man, I don't know, but I want to use it, and I dare to use it; I temporarily throw my differences of thought into the trash. Didn't Chen Yun also say that "the past accounts are wiped out"? I use this statement to complement you. The only difference is that you may have to write off your whole life, but I only have two years. Deng Xiaoping's famous saying was gradually forgotten by Chen Yun after June 4th, by Li Xiannian, and by others, but only Deng Xiaoping still remembered it. In 1992, he delivered a speech on the Southern Tour, and counting the time, it was exactly two years. In fact, he played the art of concealment again.

Li Xiannian proposed that Jiang Zemin join the Standing Committee and serve as the General Secretary.

These people working in the central government couldn't see any special relationship between Li Xiannian and Jiang Zemin. Li Xiannian went to Shanghai every winter, and Jiang Zemin was of course good at entertaining him. But Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun also go there every year, and Jiang Zemin will also entertain them well. After much deliberation, I am afraid that the ideological system is still connected.

Li Xiannian nominated Jiang Zemin this time, and also omitted a large part of his praise. He only said: "Jiang Zemin is a good person, and he even has a good name. In the past, we defeated the Kuomintang under the leadership of Comrade Mao Zedong, and the revolution succeeded. 'Zedong' has saved The meaning of the east, "Zemin" is also good, it is good for the country and the people!"

Chen Yun naturally stood with Li Xiannian.

Li Xiannian's opinion was fed back to Deng Xiaoping. Deng Xiaoping did not object, and said something very interesting: "There must be a comparison in everything. It is his turn to compare the past with the past."

Did Deng Xiaoping really agree to let Jiang Zemin take over the post of general secretary? Obviously, he was playing his trick of concealment again.

Because, Deng Xiaoping proposed again: Let Wan Li join the Standing Committee. But it was unanimously opposed by Chen Yun and Li Xiannian.

Yang Shangkun also ran to Chen Yun and said, "Comrade Xiaoping let Wan Li join the Standing Committee. How can this convince the whole party? Comrade Nian first suggested that I be on the Standing Committee. It is not appropriate."

It's a mystery. Li Xiannian would never propose Yang Shangkun to join the Standing Committee, and Yang Shangkun might not lie. God knows what happened behind the scenes.

On the contrary, Chen Yun reacted quite quickly and said: "You have such old qualifications, you can still play a role if you don't join the Standing Committee." Give Yang Shangkun a nail that is neither soft nor hard.

Deng Xiaoping then proposed: Li Ruihuan joined the Standing Committee.

Chen Yun firmly opposed it, saying: "If Li Ruihuan is allowed to join the Standing Committee, the Tangshan Earthquake will be brought to Beijing."

Hearing this, Deng Xiaoping lost his temper. He summoned Yao Yilin and Li Peng to the Rice Grain Depot and said, "The people who join the Standing Committee this time must be completely new and have a good image of reform. Neither of you can represent the reformers. Neither Chen Yun nor Li Xiannian can represent the reformists." Yao Yilin and Li Peng listened quietly.

Deng Xiaoping said, "How is Li Ruihuan?"

Li Peng said, "I don't know him well."

Yao Yilin said: "I used to work in Tianjin, and everyone has some opinions about him, mainly because he is arbitrarily arbitrary. Those who follow me prosper, and those who oppose me perish."

Deng Xiaoping's anger burst out all of a sudden, and he said, "Why didn't I know?"

Later, when Deng Xiaoping talked with Jiang Zemin, his anger still lingered, saying, "How dare they contradict me!"

Yao Yilin said afterwards: "I didn't say another important thing. Li Ruihuan has two magic weapons: a good horse and a quick knife. What kind of horse is a horse? Flatter a horse with its beard. What kind of knife is a knife? Two-faced three-pointed sword. If you say this, you still don't want to make the old man angry. Back it?"

Although Li Xiannian didn't have a good impression of Li Ruihuan, he was not as monolithic as Chen Yun. Deng Xiaoping asked him to do Chen Yun's work.

Deng Xiaoping said: "You told Chen Yun that Comrade Chen Yun is good at everything, but he is too stubborn on personnel issues!"

After Li Xiannian conveyed the words, Chen Yun said: "I am stubborn to death!" He still disagreed with Li Ruihuan's progress.

Li Xiannian said cautiously: "Then let Wang Ren come in again?"

Chen Yun said: "Absolutely not!"

Li Xiannian left angrily. On the way home, Li Xiannian said angrily: "Old stubborn, the enmity of 1958 has been remembered to this day! He has a 30-year system! He just thinks I am easy to bully." But what happened between Chen Yun and Wang Renzhong in 1958? What happened, no one can tell.

After Deng Xiaoping learned about the results of the conversation between Chen Yun and Li Xiannian, he looked calm and said, "Well, Zhao Ziyang stays in the Politburo."

Chen Yun and Li Xiannian were dumbfounded by Deng Xiaoping's bombardment. These days, they have spent all their time and energy in escorting Deng Xiaoping's ship, all for the purpose of banning Zhao Ziyang. If Zhao Ziyang stays, all previous efforts will be paid off.

Li Xiannian said: "Zhao Ziyang is only seventy years old!"

At the age of seventy, he was about to die, but Li Xiannian used the word "talent", showing a panic.

Li Xiannian's psychology contains so much hostility. Li Xiannian also said: "Among these Standing Committee members, no one can play tricks better than Zhao Ziyang!" This is true.

Zhao Ziyang, lost the victory, but grasped the history. Without the "Fourth Five-Year" Tiananmen Incident, Deng Xiaoping would not have entered history; without the smashing of the "Gang of Four", Hua Guofeng would not have entered history either. Without "June 4th", Zhao Ziyang was just passing by. "June 4th" was not started for him, but because of his fierceness, or because of his bloodshed, he also entered history.

Chen Yun and Li Xiannian were afraid of Zhao Ziyang, but Deng Xiaoping was not. The only one who can restrain Deng Xiaoping is Mao Zedong; the only one who can restrain Zhao Ziyang is Deng Xiaoping. It was hard to say after Deng Xiaoping.

Deng Xiaoping asked Yao Yilin to do Chen Yun's work. Yao Yilin didn't dare to go, and said, "Let's read comrades first."

Li Xiannian entered the palace for the second time. Before leaving, Chen Yun already knew his intentions and said, "Don't want him to come! I know what he wants to do. I'm thinking about it!"

Li Xiannian went anyway. He stayed at Chen Yun's place for half an hour.

Li Xiannian had just returned home when Wang Ruilin, director of the Deng Office, asked, "How is it?"

Xu Guibao, Li Xiannian's secretary, happily replied: "It's done."

On May 29, 1989, a special plane of the Air Force landed at Beijing Xijiao Airport. The airport does not have any level of security. It was dark when the plane stopped. A man with his hat pulled down and a mask hurried down the gangway. Cars parked under the wings. He got into the car and drove away. Li Baoguo, chief of the security section of the 34th Division of the Air Force, walked over and asked the crew, "Who did you pick up?" The crew said, "I heard it was a doctor."

This mysterious guest is Jiang Zemin.

On the day Jiang Zemin arrived in Beijing, he was received by Deng Xiaoping. Deng Xiaoping notified him of the news that Jiang Zemin had been appointed as general secretary by the Central Committee.

Jiang Zemin refused to accept his resignation. He said: "If I were asked to be the general secretary, I would only be at the level of a primary school student." Deng Xiaoping persuaded, but Jiang Zemin repeatedly declined.

Perhaps Jiang Zemin was serious and his attitude was firm, otherwise Deng Xiaoping would not be angered in the end. Deng Xiaoping said: "You have to do it if you do it, and you have to do it if you don't do it!" Jiang Zemin then kept silent.

There are traces of Jiang Zemin's ideological dynamics at this stage. He was unprepared to take over the position of general secretary, and he was unwilling to do it. His son was studying in the United States at that time, and when he heard foreign news reports that his father was on a horse, he immediately called his father and asked to return home. The Third Department of the General Staff overheard the conversation between Jiang Zemin and his son. Jiang Zemin said sternly, "Calm down, don't go back to Shanghai at this time!" His son was worried and came back anyway.

Later, Jiang Zemin's son told friends about the first time he met his father who had changed his title. On the plane back home, he heard a joke:

Deng Xiaoping, Li Peng, and Hu Yaobang were in the same cart when a donkey stopped them. No matter how much they honk the horn, the donkey would not move.

Li Peng got out of the car: "If you don't get out of the way, I'm under martial law!" The donkey didn't move.

Deng Xiaoping got out of the car: "If you don't get out of the way, I will shoot!" The donkey still didn't move.

Hu Yaobang got out of the car and whispered something to the donkey. The donkey was startled and ran wildly.

Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng were puzzled: "What did you whisper into its ear?"

Hu Yaobang replied: "If you don't leave, I will make you the general secretary."

As soon as the son got home, he shouted to Jiang Zemin: "Father, don't be the general secretary!" Jiang Zemin was speechless.

The son said: "You have to see what happens to Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang."

Jiang Zemin raised his face to the sky and said, "Don't you think Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang didn't expect such an end before they took over?"

The son later said: "At that time, Dad had a tragic expression on his face."

Deng Xiaoping called some leaders and old comrades to hold a small-scale meeting and announced the appointment of Jiang Zemin.

Deng Xiaoping said: "From today onwards, don't come to me again if you have anything to do. In politics, I will take over. I don't care about anything. The merits are yours, and the mistakes are also yours."

Jiang Zemin emphasized in his speech: "Although Comrade Deng Xiaoping is not on the front line now, he has rich experience. If there is a problem, we still have to ask Comrade Xiaoping for advice, and he will never refuse us."

Half a month ago, Zhao Ziyang said exactly the same thing to Gorbachev.

Central authorities were generally shocked by Jiang Zemin's appointment. Discussions abound. The most talked about is: why Deng Xiaoping agreed with Li Xiannian's suggestion to use Jiang Zemin.

Someone said: "There are striking similarities in Chinese history: Lao Mao defeated two people he had studied, known and trusted for a long time: Liu Shaoqi and Lin Biao, and used a Hua Guofeng whom he didn't know much and couldn't even trust. Lao Deng also He defeated the two people he had trusted and used for a long time: Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, and used Jiang Zemin, who he didn't know much and had never investigated. People don't want history to repeat, but history always repeats at a higher level and level."

Former Vice Minister of Commerce An Min said: "After Hua Guofeng came a strongman, Deng Xiaoping. After Deng Xiaoping? Will there be a strongman? Who will it be?"

  On May 30, 1989, Jiang Zemin was transferred to Beijing secretly. At the Fourth Plenary Session of the Thirteenth Central Committee (June 23-24, 1989), he was appointed General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, succeeding Zhao Ziyang. Jiang Zemin was nominated and recommended by Li Xiannian. In fact, Li Xiannian first listened to Chen Yun's opinion, and Deng Xiaoping also agreed. Jiang Zemin becoming the new successor is a compromise between Chen Yun's front and Deng Xiaoping's front.

However, it is rumored on the Internet that behind Jiang Zemin's ascension, four CCP bosses are involved.

Shanghai is the must-visit place for several CCP bigwigs every winter, including Chen Yun, who can influence the Party Central Committee, and Li Xiannian, who can influence the State Council.

Jiang Zemin seems to have an indissoluble bond with Shanghai. He was a traitor in Nanjing, but he successfully concealed part of his history as a traitor because he transferred to Shanghai Jiaotong University; his grades in the Ministry of Electronics Industry were mediocre, but because he became the mayor and secretary of the municipal party committee in Shanghai, he became red with the blood of suppressing the student movement. The opportunity of Dai Hualing; after becoming general secretary, Jiang Zemin spared no effort to manage the Shanghai Gang to stabilize its power; when encountering a crisis like SARS, Jiang Zemin's first thought was to hide in Shanghai.

When Jiang Zemin came to Shanghai in 1985, it was the result of the strong recommendation of Shanghai Party Secretary Chen Guodong and Shanghai Mayor Wang Daohan. Chen and Wang did this not only out of consideration for the "red country", but also to return Jiang Shangqing's favor.

Jiang Shangqing used to be Wang Daohan's immediate boss. In the early days of the Anti-Japanese War, Wang Daohan served as the secretary of the Jiashan County Party Committee of the Communist Party of China under the direct leadership of Jiang Shangqing, and Chen Guodong also served as the county magistrate of Lingbi County in Anhui because of Jiang Shangqing's strong recommendation.

More than 40 years later, these two CCP cadres from the East China system have become high-ranking officials in Xinjiang, and they have given great support to Jiang Zemin, who pretended to be the orphan of Jiang Shangqing.

From the process of Jiang Zemin being recommended, it is not difficult to see that Jiang Zemin's ascension to a high position has nothing to do with his own ability to work, but only because he has the reputation of a dead man and is good at climbing.

Shanghai is the must-visit place for several CCP bosses who have the power to intervene in politics every year, especially Chen Yun, who can influence the Party Central Committee, and Li Xiannian, who can influence the State Council. This has given Jiang Zemin a rare opportunity to continue to curry favor with the powerful and powerful .

Chen Yun was born in Shanghai. After the Zunyi Meeting, the Red Army fled northward, and Chen Yun was ordered to go to Shanghai to resume the work of the underground party. After the founding of the Communist Party of China, Chen Yun served as the secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee, and at the same time served as the vice premier of the Chinese Communist Party's Administration Council (later renamed the State Council) and director of the State Finance and Economic Commission. Almost all the cadres who have a close relationship with Chen Yun are supporters of the planned economy and lean to the left politically, so they can all be called conservatives. Including Song Renqiong, Chen Yun's in-law, who later took over as the head of the Organization Department of the Central Committee, and Yao Yilin, a student of Chen Yun, almost all the cadres in the East China system are direct descendants of Chen Yun. This also includes Chen Yun's deputy, director of the Finance and Economics Committee of East China, and Zeng Shan, the father of Zeng Qinghong, a member of the Politburo Standing Committee. Others, such as Chen Guodong, Wang Daohan, and Hu Lijiao, head of the East China Bureau, also served under Chen Yun.

And Li Xiannian had many conflicts with Deng Xiaoping, and he was skeptical and negative about reform and opening up.

In the contest between Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun, Li Xiannian and others, although Deng Xiaoping was the core of the second-generation leadership, he was always constrained by Chen Yun and Li Xiannian, and neither party had an absolute advantage.

As the mayor of Shanghai, Jiang Zemin is a hard-core conservative at heart. When he met Chen Yun and Li Xiannian, he was respectful, courteous and flattering, and sang praises for the planned economy. However, Jiang Zemin dared not offend Deng Xiaoping. But in front of Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, Jiang Zemin has a completely different face, and he still needs to make some reform gestures.

Young people's knowledge system has not yet been built, their mental and emotional development is immature, and their correct values ​​have yet to be formed. Therefore, they are in the "joint booting stage" of life and have strong plasticity. Even after young people enter the society, they become a member of the workplace. Whether they are engaged in traditional occupations or new occupations, it also involves how to correctly view important issues such as the times, society, and life, and how to observe the times with correct positions, viewpoints, and methods. , Interpreting society, facing life, cultivating moral qualities and ways of thinking that are diligent in pioneering, good at thinking, and courageous in taking responsibility, etc., all these require young people to grow up through hard work.

There is no doubt that it is a wishful dream in Chinese society for young people to enter the top political arena. Today's high-level political circles in China definitely do not leave a seat for young people. Whether it is Hu Yaobang, Zhao Ziyang, or Jiang Zemin, they are not young people, and more importantly, they are all controlled by old people.