Wake up（366）

 

366

 

Senior media people have one thing in common, that is, they are good at observing society and life. Those political media people are most concerned about the state power and the world situation, and they also pay special attention to the life and death of politicians and anecdotes. Because grassroots people only care about their own daily necessities, rice, oil, salt, soy sauce and vinegar, they don’t understand the evolution of history and culture, and they don’t care about the impact of political interference in life. Therefore, even if senior media people say old things, in the eyes of grassroots groups But it's all unheard of news.

When Liu Xiaosheng, a senior media person, chatted with Lao Pantou and those young people, he talked about Deng Xiaoping's death, and naturally turned old news into news.

Deng Xiaoping has not been seen in public since October 1, 1994. On December 12, 1996, Deng Xiaoping was admitted to the south building ward of the General Hospital of the Chinese People's Liberation Army due to respiratory diseases.

From January 1, 1997, the first program of China Central Television broadcast the biographical documentary "Deng Xiaoping".

At the beginning of February 1997, on the eve of the Spring Festival, Deng Xiaoping, who was in a stable condition, went to visit Jiang Zemin, the then general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, to convey his congratulations to the people of all ethnic groups in the country, and hoped that the leadership of the CPC Central Committee with Jiang Zemin at the core would The next step is to "do well the two major events of resuming the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong this year and the convening of the 15th National Congress of the Communist Party of China."

On February 19, 1997, on the thirteenth day of the first lunar month, Deng Xiaoping's respiratory function had failed and he could only breathe with the help of a machine; at 21:08 that night, the medical team announced the end of rescue efforts, and Deng Xiaoping died at the age of 92.

What did Deng Xiaoping think before he died? This is an interesting puzzle.

Mao Zedong successively promoted Liu Shaoqi, Lin Biao, Wang Hongwen, and Hua Guofeng as successors, but the results ended in failure. Deng Xiaoping successively promoted Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang as successors, but they also failed one after another. Deng Xiaoping promoted Jiang Zemin again. Whether Jiang Zemin would earnestly follow the domestic and foreign policy pioneered by Deng Xiaoping, Deng Xiaoping probably was not completely at ease until the last moment of his death. Jiang Zemin's ascension to power was closely related to the recommendation of Chen Yun and traditionalists Li Xiannian and Wang Zhen. Deng Xiaoping tried to take down Jiang Zemin, but failed. Deng Xiaoping tried to get Zhao Ziyang back again, but he didn't succeed.

Deng Xiaoping had lingering fears about the so-called "unruly" reformers of the CCP. If there was another hard-edged reformer, the CCP might split. condemnation. Therefore, Deng Xiaoping adopted a compromise method, appointing an alternate generation heir.

Deng Xiaoping made Hu Jintao the leader of the Communist Party of China in 2002 by appointing him from generation to generation. This should be mainly due to multiple considerations.

First of all, Hu Jintao can better continue the reform and opening-up line initiated by Deng Xiaoping himself and the so-called reformers of the CCP, and integrate China into the world through a large-scale market economy. This obviously put pressure on Jiang Zemin.

Secondly, Hu Jintao can maintain the balance among the various factions within the CCP, so that the dilapidated behemoth of the CCP will not be completely split.

Again, Deng Xiaoping skillfully repaid the two great favors he owed. Deng Xiaoping was able to rely on the support of Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai. Between 1974 and 1975, he had a brief history of being in charge of the daily work of the country. A few years later, Deng Xiaoping came to the top again because several bigwigs from the traditional party of the CCP drove out the bosses. Mao's designated successor, Hua Guofeng, gave Deng Xiaoping a historic opportunity to flex his muscles again. Of course Deng Xiaoping was also the only best candidate of that era.

Why did Deng Xiaoping adopt Song Ping's suggestion and choose Hu Jintao as the next generation leader of the CCP? Generally speaking, it was because there was no other suitable candidate at that time.

Regarding Hu Jintao's becoming the fourth generation leader of the CCP, there has always been a saying in the outside world: he is Deng Xiaoping's designated successor. Because Hu Jintao has this basis of legitimacy, even if Jiang Zemin does not like him, he cannot be replaced by Zeng Qinghong. Although so far there is no evidence to support this statement, but over time, as more people say it, it seems to have become an accepted fact.

Before Deng Xiaoping was alive, he designated Hu Jintao to be in power after Jiang Zemin to support the Communist Party. This statement is a bit like the story in "The Romance of the Three Kingdoms": Zhuge Liang appointed Jiang Wan before his death, and after Jiang Wan, Fei Wei was his successor to support the small court of Han and Shu in the southwest. Although the new story is nice to hear, it is a pity that it is not true.

The matter had to start on the eve of the Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China 20 years ago. During the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China from June 27 to 29, 1982, the article "Promotion and Training of Young and Middle-aged Cadres is an Urgent Matter" written by Chen Yun and the "Summary of the Symposium on Retirement and Retirement of Veteran Cadres" drafted by him were published. After the meeting, some participants stayed to participate in the symposium of party committee secretaries of various provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions.

On July 2, Chen Yun gave a speech at a symposium, emphasizing the objective existence of the cadre team’s inadequacy. He said with some concern: Mentioning people around the age of 50 may lead to fewer arguments, but mentioning people around the age of 40 will lead to a lot of controversy and suspicion. Mention people under the age of 40, there will be more doubts and arguments. That being the case, why does the "Summary" still say "specially mention people under the age of 40?" He asked himself and answered: first, he is young and vigorous. The second is to cultivate consciously. After 3, 5, and 10 years, consciously cultivate and select good people. The third is that there are talents among people under the age of 40. Fourth, only people under the age of 40 can understand the thoughts and performances of young people in the early days of the "Cultural Revolution".

After Chen Yun's speech, Deng Xiaoping made an impromptu speech. He said solemnly: "We have always said that this is a strategic issue that determines our destiny. Now, it is very urgent to solve this problem. In three to five years, if we do not solve this problem, there will be a disaster. He faced everyone and asked: "Why did you stay here for two days after the plenary meeting to discuss Comrade Chen Yun's two suggestions on promoting and training young and middle-aged cadres and retiring veteran cadres? It is because this issue is very urgent and very urgent. Important." After the Central Work Conference last December, Comrade Chen Yun pointedly raised the issue of "selecting young and middle-aged cadres not by tens or hundreds, but by tens of thousands." "He mentioned it very well, and I agree." Because "I have had a heart-to-heart relationship with Comrade Chen Yun. To be honest, as far as we are concerned, we are really happy now that we are retiring." The task is to solve this problem."

Shortly after the meeting, on August 7, the Organization Department of the Central Committee issued the "Notice on Implementing the Central Committee's Instructions on Adjusting the Leading Group and Selecting Outstanding Young and Middle-aged Cadres".

At the Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China held in September 1982, among the 210 newly elected members of the Central Committee, the youngest was Hu Jintao, deputy director of the Construction Committee of Gansu Province, who was only 39 years old at the time.

On the second day after the closing of the conference, Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun and other leading comrades of the Central Committee specially received 39 newly elected young and alternate Central Committee members. When they stepped into the hall one by one, comrades from the Organization Department of the Central Committee introduced the situation one by one. Deng, Chen and other old comrades shook hands with these energetic young cadres one by one, looked at them carefully, and showed satisfied smiles on their faces.

Regarding this meeting, Xinhua News Agency described excitedly in a report titled "Alternating the Old and the New, Carrying on the Past and Opening the Future": "This is not an ordinary meeting, nor is it an ordinary interview. Everyone is immersed in an extremely warm atmosphere. The old one Generations of proletarian revolutionaries, these Chinese revolutionary helmsmen who have guided this huge ship of China to break through the waves for many years, are all full of joy today, holding the hands of every comrade who walked in front of them. This is the cooperation and cooperation between the old and new of our party. The alternating handshake is the handshake of the revolutionary torch handed down by the older generation of proletarian revolutionaries, and the handshake of the party’s infinite hope for young and middle-aged cadres.”

Soon, Hu Jintao, the 39-year-old youngest alternate member of the Central Committee, was transferred from Gansu in the west to Beijing, the capital, to work on the leadership of the Youth League Central Committee. From 1982 to 1985, he successively served as secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League, chairman of the All-China Youth Federation, and First Secretary of the Central Secretariat. According to the decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, he worked from 1985 to 1992, especially in the western region where the country is underdeveloped and the conditions are difficult. The first secretary of the party committee. Together with working in Gansu after leaving Tsinghua University, he has worked in the western region for nearly 20 years and has demonstrated his leadership in all aspects. At the National Representative Conference held in 1985, a group of young leading cadres were elected to the Central Committee.

The Beidaihe meeting in the summer of 1991 began to prepare candidates for the central decision-making level of the 14th National Congress. The personnel arrangement team consisted of Jiang Zemin, Li Peng, Song Ping, and Bo Yibo, a veteran of the Communist Party of China. At that time, Jiang Zemin and Li Peng were both nominal, and Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun were the ones who really made the final decision. The actual host was Song Ping, a member of the Politburo Standing Committee in charge of organizational work, and Bo Yibo was in charge of spreading the word between Deng and Chen.

At that time, the central government considered the age structure of decision-makers and decided to train a member of the Politburo Standing Committee who was about 50 years old. The candidates included Hu Jintao, Li Changchun and Wu Bangguo. In the end, Hu Jintao was able to qualify, and it was Song Ping who played the key role. Compared with Li Changchun and Wu Bangguo, Song Ping was more familiar with Hu Jintao from Gansu. What's more, Li Changchun was only the governor and deputy secretary of the provincial party committee of Henan Province at that time; Besides, Hu Jintao is steady and modest, and has always kept a low profile in his affairs. It's kind of like Song Pyung's own character. Therefore, Song Ping, in the name of the personnel arrangement group of the 14th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, proposed to the Politburo Standing Committee, Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun to select Hu Jintao as the new Politburo Standing Committee.

At the 14th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 1992, Hu Jintao never dreamed that he not only returned to Beijing, but also entered the center of power, and was elected as a member of the Politburo Standing Committee and Secretary of the Central Secretariat.

Obviously, the real power behind Hu Jintao's promotion this time is not Deng Xiaoping, but Song Ping.

Who is Song Ping? Few people know about his experience, perhaps it has something to do with his low-key personality.

Song Ping was born on April 30, 1917, formerly known as Song Yanping. Song Ping is a resident of Daluozhuang Village, Zhaoxian Town, Ju County, Shandong Province. He entered school at the age of 9, skipped grades, and soon finished elementary and middle school. When my elder brother participated in a lottery draw by the Universal Postal Union, he won a bonus of 300 yuan and gave the money to Song Ping for him to go to school in Peiping. In this way, in 1934, Song Ping entered the Agricultural College of Peking University to study; a year later, he was admitted to the Department of Chemistry of Tsinghua University.

Song Ping joined the Chinese National Liberation Vanguard, a student patriotic organization led by the Communist Party of China in the spring of 1936; in 1937, he joined the Communist Party of China.

In 1938, went to Yan'an Marxist-Leninist College to study. After graduation, he stayed at the school to work; successively served as the director of the Education Department, the head of the Education Department, and the researcher of the Central Party Affairs Research Office. In 1941, Song Ping was transferred to the Assistant Secretary of the Propaganda Department of the Southern Bureau of the Communist Party of China. Since then, he has successively served as the director of the reference room of Chongqing "Xinhua Daily", the secretary director of the editorial department, and the secretary-general, and later became the head of the Chongqing branch of Xinhua News Agency. After the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, he went to Nanjing with Xinhua News Agency and served as the head of the Nanjing General Branch.

During the peace talks between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, Song Ping served as Zhou Enlai's political secretary. After the failure of the peace talks, he was transferred back to the CCP-controlled area, participated in the work of "Northeast Daily" in Harbin, and participated in the establishment of "Harbin Daily". Later, he served as deputy secretary of the Guxiang District Committee of Harbin City.

On November 2, 1948, the People's Liberation Army captured Shenyang, and Song Ping went to the city with the army to participate in the takeover work. The Shenyang Municipal Working Committee established the Party Newspaper Committee, composed of Song Li, Li Du, Liu Yaxiong, Song Ping, Zhu Weiren, Yu Beichen, Chen Ruiguang, Zhang Chengmin, Chen Shunyao, Xue Guangjun, and Ye Ke, with Song Li as the secretary and Li Du as the deputy secretary . On December 20, 1948, "Worker's Daily", the official newspaper of the Municipal Working Committee and the trade union newspaper, was founded on December 20, 1948. Li Du was the president, Ye Ke was the vice president, Chen Shunyao was the editor-in-chief, and he was a member of the Standing Committee of the Northeast Federation of Trade Unions and the Propaganda Department. Deputy Minister Song Ping and Acting Editor-in-Chief.

After the founding of the People's Republic of China, Song Ping served as the Minister of Culture and Education of the Northeast Federation of Trade Unions, Secretary General of the Northeast Federation of Trade Unions, and Vice Chairman of the Northeast Federation of Trade Unions. In 1952, he was transferred to work at the central government, and successively served as director of the Labor and Wage Bureau of the State Planning Commission, member of the State Planning Commission, deputy minister of the Ministry of Labor, and deputy director of the State Planning Commission.

In 1960, Song Ping was transferred to be a member of the Northwest Bureau of the Communist Party of China and director of the Planning Committee of the Northwest Bureau, and began to work in the Northwest region. In September 1963, he served as the deputy director of the "Third-line Construction Committee of the Northwest Bureau".

After the "Cultural Revolution" began, Song Ping was marginalized. Later, in order to develop production in Shaanxi Province, a "production headquarters" was established, and Song Ping was appointed as a consultant. In 1972, he served as secretary of the Gansu Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China and deputy director of the Provincial Revolutionary Committee; in June 1977, he was promoted to first secretary of the Gansu Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China, director of the Provincial Revolutionary Committee, and second political commissar of the Lanzhou Military Region. After the publication of the article "Practice is the only criterion for testing truth", Song Ping took the lead in leading the Gansu Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China and held two symposiums to study and discuss the issue of "truth standard"; this is China's first provincial "truth standard" discussion.

From 1977 to 1981, when Song Ping served as the first secretary of the Gansu Provincial Party Committee of the Communist Party of China, he vigorously promoted and recommended Hu Jintao, then deputy director of the Gansu Provincial Construction Committee, which laid the foundation for him to be the general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and become the fourth generation leader of the Communist Party of China. , Therefore, it is called "the biggest Bole in Chinese politics" by the media.

In 1981, Song Ping returned to work at the central government again; he served as deputy director of the State Planning Commission and deputy secretary of the party group. In June 1983, he served as State Councilor and Director of the State Planning Commission in the "cabinet" of Premier Zhao Ziyang. Before the 13th National Congress of the Communist Party of China was held in 1987, he took over party affairs and was transferred to the head of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee; at the First Plenary Session of the 13th CPC Central Committee, he was elected as a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee.

From the late 1940s to the early 1950s, and in the 1980s, Song Ping was Zhu Rongji's superior and was considered one of Zhu Rongji's main officials.

After the "June 4th Incident" subsided in 1989, high-level personnel of the CCP were adjusted, and Zhao Ziyang and Hu Qili, members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, were dismissed. The 72-year-old Song Ping, Jiang Zemin, and Li Ruihuan were co-elected as the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China at the Fourth Plenary Session of the Thirteenth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. Member of the Politburo Standing Committee (ranked fifth), entered the top leadership. Become a national leader in one fell swoop.

Because of Song Ping's relatively conservative political and economic ideas, he was considered a supporter of the planned economy, and he was the main figure in the Chen Yun and Li Xiannian camps along with Yao Yilin. After the June 4th incident, it proposed to oppose peaceful evolution as one of the "two centers".

On October 19, 1992, 75-year-old Song Ping retired from the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee after the First Plenary Session of the 14th CPC Central Committee. However, after Xi Jinping came to power, Song Ping made many public appearances, and was considered to be "standing" for Xi Jinping's anti-corruption and poverty alleviation work.

Song Ping is the oldest living party and state leader, the only one who was born before the 1920s, the only one who participated in the revolution during the Yan'an period, and the first in the history of the Communist Party of China to reach the age of 100. A member of the Politburo, a member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo and a state-level leader.

Hu Jintao was able to promote the central government from the northwest border, without Song Ping's approval and support, it would have been impossible. Song Ping's support for Hu Jintao was adopted by Deng Xiaoping for another reason. It is said that it is related to Hu Jintao's decisive handling of the riots in Lhasa, Tibet. At that time, Hu Jintao asked the central government for instructions on how to deal with it, but the central government's opinion has not been issued for a long time, and the riots intensified. "The general is outside, and the king's order is not acceptable." Hu Jintao decided to impose martial law without authorization, and sent troops to suppress it. Afterwards, the central government affirmed his approach. This decisive style is naturally appreciated by Lao Deng.

Hu Jintao's position as a member of the Politburo Standing Committee does not necessarily mean that he is already in the position of "prince prince". It was not until 1997 that he appeared as the fourth-generation successor of the CCP, serving as the vice chairman of the country and the first vice chairman of the Central Military Commission. By this time Deng Xiaoping had passed away. If Hu Jintao was Deng's designated successor, he should have received these two positions before Deng Xiaoping's lifetime.

Hu Jintao was identified as the successor. First, because he has already occupied the highest position among the fourth-generation officials, it is logical that he should be mentioned in the selection of the successor. The second is because he has shown the political quality as a leader of the fourth generation. Hu Jintao is prudent, pragmatic, good at thinking, sincere in dealing with people, tolerant, daring to take responsibility, and most importantly, good at dealing with complex issues. When the Sino-U.S. aircraft collided with each other, there was a heated debate between the hawks and doves at the top of the CCP about how to deal with it. Jiang Zemin, who was indecisive, was at a loss, and finally handed it over to Hu Jintao to handle it himself. Hu Jintao made a final decision and decided to return the opportunity to others to avoid further expansion of the Sino-US conflict. It is not unrelated to this that the United States later gave Hu Jintao extra-standard courtesy when he visited. The third is because he can properly handle the relationship with the third generation of leaders, especially the "Big Three" of Jiang, Li, and Zhu.

Liu Xiaosheng told Lao Pantou and those young people: Li Peng and Hu Jintao came out of the Songping system, and Zhu Rongji devoted himself to economic affairs. There will be no conflicts with him. The key is Jiang Zemin. In the first five years after Hu Jintao joined the Politburo, he was willing to act as Jiang Zemin's first assistant, following the rules and never overstepping his position. In the next five years, Hu Jintao catered to Jiang Zemin even more tremblingly and cautiously. In 1998, Jiang Zemin proposed to "emphasize politics, study, and righteousness." Hu Jintao personally led the national "Three Emphasis" campaign. Later, he said that he must be called Jiang Zemin's "Three Represents." If so, Jiang Zemin has no reason to suppress him. In this way, Hu Jintao stepped onto the throne of the fourth-generation leader step by step.