Wake up（360）

 

360

 

On May 30, 1989, Jiang Zemin was transferred to Beijing secretly. At the Fourth Plenary Session of the Thirteenth Central Committee, Jiang Zemin was appointed General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, succeeding Zhao Ziyang. Jiang Zemin was nominated and recommended by Li Xiannian. In fact, Li Xiannian first listened to Chen Yun's opinion, and Deng Xiaoping also agreed. Jiang Zemin becoming the new successor is a compromise between Chen Yun's front and Deng Xiaoping's front.

Liu Xiaosheng told Nan Yangsheng and Pan Tianliang: Although Jiang Zemin has become the new successor, Deng Xiaoping is not at ease with him.

Deng Xiaoping kept a hand, and the one he could trust was Yang Shangkun. Yang Shangkun is not only a veteran senior official of the Communist Party of China, but also has deep connections in the army. Yang Shangkun and Deng Xiaoping met in 1932. They have had a good relationship for 60 years and are deeply trusted by Deng Xiaoping. As early as July 10, 1981, nominated by Deng Xiaoping, Yang Shangkun served as a member of the Standing Committee and Secretary-General of the Central Military Commission, and presided over the daily work of the Military Commission. The day before his appointment, Deng Xiaoping said to Yang Shangkun: "There are many problems in the army. After you arrive in office, you need to do more investigation and research to figure out how to build the army; you need to draw up several systems to solve the problem of 'one entry and two exits'." At the same time, it is necessary to imagine what this army will look like in five years, and what to do in the future.”

It can be seen that since 1981, Yang Shangkun has been in charge of the army for Deng Xiaoping.

In September 1982, at the First Plenary Session of the Twelfth Central Committee, Yang Shangkun was elected as a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, executive vice chairman and secretary general of the Central Military Commission. The Military Commission does not have a standing committee, and the daily work is handled by the Secretary-General and Deputy Secretary-General. Yang Shangkun's position in the army is even more important.

In October 1987, at the First Plenary Session of the Thirteenth Central Committee, Yang Shangkun continued to serve as the executive vice chairman and secretary general of the Military Commission.

In April 1988, Yang Shangkun was elected as the chairman of the People's Republic of China, and his political weight became heavier.

The drastic changes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe made the Chinese Communists feel a sense of crisis. However, reformists and conservatives have different views on how to view the lessons of the upheaval in the Soviet Union. Reformists believe that the failure of the CPSU lies in the one-party dictatorship, lack of democracy, and economic reform. The traditional forces believe that the failure of the CPSU lies in the fact that it lost the "two knives" of Lenin and Stalin, and that it failed to prevent peaceful evolution.

The idea of ​​preventing peaceful evolution comes from Chen Yun. On September 8, 1989, when Chen Yun talked with Li Ruihuan, he said: "Lenin's discussion on the five characteristics of imperialism and the essence of aggression against other countries and mutual hegemony is not outdated." Mainly "Wu", later "Wen" and "Wu" were used together, and now "Wen" (including political, economic and cultural) is prominent, especially for the so-called "peaceful evolution" of socialist countries. That The idea that Lenin's theory of imperialism is outdated is completely wrong and very harmful. It's time to cry out on this issue."

On September 16, Chen Yun sent a letter to Bo Yibo, Song Renqiong and members of the Standing Committee of the CCP Central Advisory Committee, proposing that everyone should study and study Marxist philosophy. He also sent a recent talk to Li Ruihuan and a talk with Zhao Ziyang and Hu Qili in 1987.

The upheaval in the Soviet Union made Chen Yun's "big cry" get more people's response, and preventing peaceful evolution once became the mainstream thought. In newspapers during this period, anti-peace evolution has almost become the main theme. The Central Party School has also set up anti-peaceful evolution classes, and the students are provincial party committee secretaries and ministers.

During this period, "Mao Zedong Fever" also appeared, and the very familiar "Songs of Chairman Mao's Quotations" during the Cultural Revolution pervaded the society again, but the original fighting melody was changed to a light musical melody. This is actually the dissatisfaction and hesitation of the masses towards the reality after the reform was blocked. However, the leftists took advantage of this opportunity to revive Mao Zedong's theory of "anti-peaceful evolution". "Evolution Study Class" and plans to re-launch "socialist education" in the countryside.

At this critical moment, when Chen Yun talked about "preventing peaceful evolution", what did Deng Xiaoping do? What is the situation and political attitude of Jiang Zemin, General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee?

In November 1989, at the Fifth Plenary Session of the Thirteenth Central Committee, Deng Xiaoping resigned as the chairman of the Military Commission, and Jiang Zemin became the chairman of the Military Commission. Yang Shangkun is the first vice chairman of the Military Commission, assisting the chairman of the Military Commission in presiding over the daily work. At this meeting, Yang Shangkun's younger brother, Yang Baibing, served as the secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the secretary-general of the Military Commission, and the director of the General Political Department of the Chinese People's Liberation Army.

Although Jiang Zemin is the chairman of the Military Commission, but because of his junior qualifications and lack of military experience, he can only take orders from the Yang brothers, and the Yang brothers listen to Deng Xiaoping. In other words, although Deng Xiaoping was not the chairman of the Military Commission, he still had absolute control over the military. This shows that Deng Xiaoping still had some reservations about Jiang Zemin, who was nominated by the Chen Yun Front, and wanted to take a look.

Due to the resistance of Chen Yun's front, Deng Xiaoping's New Year's trip to Shanghai in 1991 and the speeches he delivered not only had no effect, but the tone of "two views on reform" and "anti-peaceful evolution" became more and more serious, and reform and opening up continued to retreat.

Deng Xiaoping was dissatisfied with Jiang Zemin's performance.

Since Jiang Zemin's position is the result of the political compromise between Deng and Chen, once the conditions of the compromise change, the political compromise will turn into a political confrontation, and Jiang Zemin will be caught between the two political mountains and suffer. The fate of Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang was clearly laid out in front of him. In the severe and complex situation of Beijing's political turmoil, it is very dangerous for Jiang Zemin to accept orders in the face of danger.

For the sudden promotion, Jiang Zemin's family did not have joy and excitement, but they had nameless fear. According to a reporter close to Jiang Zemin’s family, “When Jiang Zemin was transferred to Beijing, Wang Yeping felt that a catastrophe was imminent.” Left and right, play by ear in the struggle between the two peaks: whichever side is more powerful, lean to whichever side. After the "June 4th Movement", the left side was not only powerful, but also very active. Jiang Zemin said some things the left side likes to hear, and did some things the left side likes:

For certain illegal acts of some private entrepreneurs, he proposed a solution: "Let them go bankrupt!" He repeated several times Mao Zedong's words that "these two knives must not be thrown away" that no one has said for many years. "Two knives" was proposed by Mao Zedong at the Second Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee in 1956. He said: "I think there are two 'knives': one is Lenin and the other is Stalin." The activists "threw "two knives", emphasizing that China should not lose it.

At the commemoration meeting for the 70th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, Jiang Zemin reiterated class struggle in his speech. He said: "The focus of the current class struggle is the struggle for the Four Cardinal Principles and bourgeois liberalization."

Intellectuals shuddered at this sentence: According to him, "bourgeois liberalization" is no longer an ideological issue, but "the focus of class struggle."

Jiang Zemin held provincial and ministerial anti-peaceful evolution classes at the Central Party School. He agreed to carry out a socialist education movement in the countryside, and conduct a pilot project in Hunan, etc. Some of these are not his ideas, but they must have the consent and support of his general secretary. Deng Xiaoping was of course dissatisfied and worried about Jiang Zemin's performance.

The balance of "two basic points" tilted too far to the "left", which made Deng Xiaoping deeply disturbed. At the age of 88, he decided to take major actions to further clarify the goals of reform, fix the major policies of reform, and engrave the word "reform" deeply in the history behind him. The idea of ​​"focusing on economic construction" that has cooled down has been revived. He decided to make another southern tour.

His southern tour is risky. He does not have any position, but is just an ordinary member of the Communist Party of China; he did not greet the central government, and was on a "secret southern tour"; some of his conversations were criticizing those on stage; his southern tour was mainly to criticize "leftists", That is to criticize the traditional forces within the party.

Deng Xiaoping knew the risks of this southern tour. He said to the people around him: "It's not unreasonable to worry, but I want to take a risk. If you don't take a risk, don't do anything, and you can't do anything!"

From January 18 to February 21, 1992, Deng Xiaoping took his whole family to inspect Wuchang, Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Shanghai and other places. Along the way, many incisive and impactful talks were published.

In Deng Xiaoping’s speech on the southern tour, he first repeatedly emphasized that “one center, two basic point" policy cannot be changed. And warn them that anyone who wants to change this policy will be defeated. He said:

To adhere to the line, principles and policies since the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Party, the key is to adhere to "one center and two basic points." If we don't adhere to socialism, don't reform and open up, don't develop the economy, and don't improve people's lives, we can only lead to a dead end. The basic line must be followed for a hundred years and must not be shaken. Only by sticking to this line will the people trust you and support you. Anyone who wants to change the line, principles and policies since the Third Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China will be overthrown if the common people do not agree... In just a short period of ten years, our country has developed so fast, the people are happy, and the world has attracted attention. This is enough proof No one can change the correctness of the line, principles and policies since the Third Plenary Session of the Central Committee.

Speaking of the past is just one sentence, stick to this line, principles and policies remain unchanged. The Eighth Plenary Session of the Thirteenth Central Committee was held well this time, affirming that the rural household contract responsibility system will remain unchanged. Changes make people uneasy... The basic policy of urban and rural reform must remain stable for a long time.

Of course, with the development of practice, the improvement should be perfected, and the repair should be repaired, but in general, we must be firm. It's okay even if you don't have new ideas, just don't change. Don't make people feel that the policy has changed. With this article, China has great hope.

The Eighth Plenary Session of the Thirteenth Central Committee was supposed to discuss "socialist education" in the countryside. Later, due to the support of Deng Xiaoping, the original topic was abandoned and the rural household contract responsibility system was reaffirmed. Of course, Deng Xiaoping was satisfied. of. After Deng Xiaoping issued a warning to the leftists during his southern tour, he criticized the timid behavior in the reform and opening up, emboldening the reformers. He hit back at the accusation of "two views on reform" and lifted the curse that had imprisoned people's thinking for a long time-the surname is "capital" or "she". He said:

Reform and opening up should be more courageous, dare to experiment, and not be like women with small feet. If you are sure, try boldly and break through boldly. The important experience of Shenzhen is to dare to break through. Without the spirit of breaking new ground, without the spirit of "adventure", without a breath of vigor and vigor, one cannot walk a good road or a new road.

Reform and opening up can’t take a step forward, and they dare not make breakthroughs. In a word, they are afraid that there will be too many capitalist things, and they have taken the capitalist road. The key is the question of whether the surname is "capital" or "she".

The criteria for judgment should mainly be based on whether it is conducive to the development of productive forces in a socialist society, whether it is conducive to enhancing the overall national strength of a socialist country, and whether it is conducive to improving the living standards of the people. The achievements of Shenzhen's construction have clearly answered those who have this or that kind of worry. The surname of the SAR is "she", not "capital".

If you dare to break in, where do you want to break in? Deng Xiaoping pointed out the most sensitive forbidden zone in China's reform - the market economy. Before that, some newspapers criticized the "market orientation" of the reform, saying that "the market orientation is the capitalist orientation." Deng Xiaoping said: More planning or more market is not the essential difference between socialism and capitalism. A planned economy is not equal to socialism, and capitalism also has planning; a market economy is not equal to capitalism, and socialism also has markets. Both planning and the market are economic means... Securities, stock market, are these things good, are they dangerous, are they unique to capitalism, and can socialism be used? Permission to see, but resolutely try.

Here, Deng Xiaoping once again explained what socialism is: the essence of socialism is to liberate productive forces, develop productive forces, eliminate exploitation, eliminate polarization, and ultimately achieve common prosperity.

Deng Xiaoping also criticized leftist theorists, thinking that they would also destroy socialism, mainly to prevent "leftists". Now there are things from the right that affect us, and things from the left that affect us, but it is still the left that is deeply rooted. Some theorists and politicians use big hats to frighten people, not the right, but the "left". "Left" has a revolutionary color, and it seems that the more "left" the more revolutionary. "Left" things are terrible in the history of our party! A good thing was destroyed by them at once. The right can ruin socialism, and the "left" can also ruin socialism. Be wary of the right, but mainly prevent the "left".

When it comes to special economic zones, Deng Xiaoping said: From the very beginning, there were different opinions on the establishment of special economic zones, and they were worried about whether they would engage in capitalism. Shenzhen's construction achievements have clearly answered those who have such worries. The surname of the SAR is "she", not "capital". Looking back, one of my big mistakes was not adding Shanghai to the four special economic zones. Otherwise, the current reform and opening up situation in the Yangtze River Delta, the entire Yangtze River Basin, and even the whole country will be different.

What are the different opinions on the establishment of a special zone from the very beginning? At that time, Chen Yun criticized the material "Origin of the Old Chinese Concession", mentioning the special economic zone and the old Chinese concession together; when Deng Xiaoping wanted to build more open cities, Chen Yun put forward the restriction of not "opening up too much". The "one big mistake of mine" that Deng Xiaoping said here was criticizing himself clearly and criticizing Chen Yun in earnest.

Although Deng Xiaoping's southern tour was risky, it was not hopeless. Although he did not become the chairman of the Military Commission, his brother Yang Shangkun, who was loyal to him, was in charge of the army. When Deng Xiaoping toured the south, Yang Shangkun followed closely beside Deng, and Yang Baibing vigilantly held the military buttons in Beijing. During Deng's stay in Shenzhen, he and Yang Shangkun appeared in the media many times at the same time. Hong Kong's "Ta Kung Pao" reported on January 23: "Deng Xiaoping and Yang Shangkun visited the botanical garden in Shenzhen and planted trees", reported on January 27: "Deng Xiaoping and Yang Shangkun met in Zhuhai", reported on January 28: "Deng Xiaoping and Yang Shangkun visited Zhuhai Electronic Company Tour Cityscape". Like a shadow, on February 1, Deng Xiaoping arrived in Shanghai, and Yang Shangkun also arrived in Shanghai. On New Year's Eve, Deng and Yang "gathered together with leaders of the party, government and military in Shanghai and people from all walks of life to welcome the New Year together." Anyone with a discerning eye can tell at a glance that these actions of Deng and Yang and the deliberate propaganda of the newspapers are to show Deng's strength and to show that there is military power to "escort" Deng's southern tour.

During this period, Yang Baibing also proposed that "the Chinese People's Liberation Army should escort the reform and opening up." Although this statement offended many people in the Yang family, and the reformists also believed that this formulation was inappropriate, it cannot be said that it had no deterrent effect on those who opposed Deng Xiaoping's reform ideas.

Deng Xiaoping's Southern Tour, Hong Kong newspapers regarded it as a major event and fully reported it, but mainland newspapers kept silent for a long time. In Beijing, a lot of gossip about Deng Xiaoping's southern tour came from Guangdong and Hong Kong. Visiting relatives and friends during the Chinese New Year, Deng Xiaoping's southern tour is the main topic. Everyone pays attention to the south. Many people are circulating a commentary in Shanghai's "Liberation Daily" on February 4 (the New Year of Renshen): "The line since the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee must be talked about for a hundred years-Remembrance of Renshen Yuanri". This comment reveals some of the spirit of the Southern Tour speech. On February 24, "People's Daily" published an editorial: "Be bolder in reform." This is the first time that the central newspaper has officially revealed its cards.

At that time, many people in Beijing rushed to tell each other and spread it as good news. There are also people who take a wait-and-see attitude. Some people say that Deng Xiaoping is just an ordinary party member. Does what he said count? Some people also said that it was inappropriate for Deng Xiaoping to go out behind the back of the Central Committee to talk about these major issues that have not been discussed by the Central Committee.

Liu Xiaosheng told Nan Yangsheng and Pan Tianliang that there are five signs of idol worship:

First, idols are always superior to believers and are in a high position, which plays a decisive role.

Second, believers always blindly obey the commands of idols.

Third, believers are incapable and unwilling to discuss the tenets prescribed by idols.

Fourth, believers have a fanatical desire to spread the idol's creed widely.

Fifth, believers tend to view anyone who does not accept them as an enemy.

When a group conforms to the first, its form is equated with religion, and this sentiment becomes religious belief. For groups, perhaps the most unreasonable choice is the most reasonable choice