Wake up（363）

 

363

 

Liu Xiaosheng, a senior media person, continued to tell Nan Yangsheng and Pan Tianliang: In June 1989, Zhao Ziyang was dismissed from his position in the party because he "made the mistake of supporting turmoil and splitting the party on issues related to the life and death of the party and the country". All positions became the second general secretary of the party who was personally selected by Deng Xiaoping and taken down by Deng Xiaoping himself.

In 1993, Jiang Zemin officially assumed the presidency of China, and became a Chinese leader who combined the three highest positions of General Secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, President of the State and Chairman of the Central Military Commission. By the time of Deng Xiaoping's death in February 1997, Jiang Zemin had had enough time to gain a foothold and installed his cronies from Shanghai in many important positions, including Zhu Rongji, who would become the Chinese government's premier, and the highest official to vice president. Zeng Qinghong and others have more policy decision-making power and leadership.

In fact, promoting China's reform has returned from the sick Deng Jiang model to the healthy Hu Zhao model.

Judging from the later political fate of Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, the secret alliance period of Deng, Hu, and Zhao was also the golden age of reform in China—not only because the reform itself brought about rapid economic growth and the improvement of people’s living standards, but also The reason is that the reform is on a healthy path. However, the split of the three carriages symbolizes that the reform has been seriously hindered and the direction of reform has gone astray, making China sink deeper and deeper into the quagmire of lame reform. The first person responsible for this split is the CCP veteran group and its old system headed by Deng Xiaoping.

Although, after June 4th, in order to restore his personal political honor and alleviate the crisis of political legitimacy, Deng Xiaoping once again played with his familiar opportunistic tactics and launched the second reform in 1992, which brought about great changes in China, especially in the economic field. The degree of change far exceeds that before June 4th: marketization has become the main way of allocating resources, and de facto privatization is irreversible. However, compared with the 1980s, this change in the economic field is profound on the surface, but superficial in nature. Its main feature is the expansion of quantity rather than the improvement of quality. "Reform Break", that is, a lame economic reform driven by the rupture of simultaneous political, cultural and economic reforms into purely economic interests. The moral passion, political vitality, ideological enlightenment and cultural promotion of the 1980s have all disappeared, replaced by the supremacy of interests, political rigidity, ideological dust and cultural degradation; The realistic and moral synergy to promote political reform, composed of young people, private economic circles with moral pursuits, and civil dissidents, has disappeared, and has been replaced by a conspiracy based on maximizing interests among the powerful, capital, and intellectual elites. .

More importantly, the economic field that has changed the most was first driven by Deng Xiaoping's "development is the last word" and "whoever does not reform will step down." The main driving force for the subsequent changes is the profit-making interests of the powerful families that have emerged since the 1980s. Their greed has stirred up everyone's money dreams.

Land enclosure craze, stock speculation craze, fund-raising craze, new economy craze, craze for carve-up of state-owned assets, craze for transfer of assets...every opportunity to get rich is taken by powerful families first. Therefore, during the thirteen years of Jiang Zemin's administration, true marketization and privatization are still far away, while bureaucratic capital and private ownership by the rich and powerful are advancing by leaps and bounds. That is to say, the integration of public power, private capital and knowledge groups, public power and knowledge become the tools of "capital", not only the agent and apologist of capital, but also the owner and dealer of capital. Capitalization of regimes and their proxies.

This capitalization of power embraces domestic capitalists through the "Three Represents" and embraces international capital through "economic globalization." Therefore, for the CCP regime, which is an isolated island of communism surrounded by the vast ocean of capitalism, socialism with Chinese characteristics has become a gold rush of "everything looks at money", and Western civilization in the process of opening up to the outside world has become a political The simple "introduction of foreign investment fever" that has nothing to do with civilization is tantamount to searching the country and begging from "capital" internationally to feed the dictatorship. At present, "foreign capital" and "Western markets" have become the main sources of the CCP's "living money".

When "establishing a socialist market economy" was finally written into the resolution of the CPC Congress and then into the "Constitution", the market had already been empowered; when the reform of state-owned enterprises made the property rights problem must be institutionalized At that time, privatization had already become the privilege of the rich and powerful to divide up the assets of the whole people; when the feasting was full of people with fat stomachs, the social injustice caused by the huge disparity between the rich and the poor was expanding rapidly; when the income level of urban residents was increased When increasing, the income level of farmers has stagnated under the layer-by-layer exploitation, which is equivalent to a relative decline; when state-owned enterprises carry out the reform of stripping off non-performing assets through large-scale restructuring, tens of millions of employees have not received fair compensation. Under the premise, it was stripped out as non-performing assets.

If it is said that the "official downfall" opposed by the 1989 Movement was only the individual behavior of some princes, then since Deng Xiaoping opened the floodgates for the party, government, military, police and other government departments to conduct business together, the downfall of officials in personal behavior is inevitable. Expansion into aristocratic families in every corner driven by the system itself. This kind of high economic growth driven by the evil combination of power and capital is regarded by the international community as an "economic miracle" in the East, and by domestic mainstream economics as a miracle of low-cost "transactional options"-style gradual reforms , is different from the radical reforms of the Soviet Union and the East with a high cost of "public choice", but in fact, this is neither an economic miracle, nor a miracle of low-cost gradual reforms, but a corruption miracle of power-for-money transactions, two-level The unfair miracle of differentiation is not only an economic cost, but also an incalculably high social comprehensive cost.

The marketization before the property rights system has undergone substantive reform is just a process of using the marketization of power to privatize the rich and powerful, probably only when the rich and powerful have divided up all the assets of the whole people. The measures to deepen the reform of state-owned enterprises after joining the WTO are nothing more than providing legal protection for the crazy division of powerful families.

It was driven by this driving force that the economy became active, and the rich and powerful instantly made a fortune. Private bosses and intellectual elites followed closely behind, picking a few sesame seeds of different sizes; Among the dignitaries of academics, they no longer shouted that "those who engage in missiles are not as good as those who sell tea eggs." "right" as the premise; when the culture is active, the mediocrity and popularization instilled by the ideology packed with illusory prosperity and truth, goodness and beauty has become a highly rewarding industry and dominates the cultural market. The pleasure indulged deliberately by the autocratic system exudes insane cruelty and barbarism.

However, with this superficial prosperity and stability, with the loud cry of money and the croon of happiness, it shrinks, loses, and even gradually dies. It is the passion for political reform, the courage to pursue freedom, the nobility of moral concern, and the promotion of social justice. . The embarrassment of farmers, the plight of the unemployed, the loneliness of June 4 victims, the helplessness of Falun Gong practitioners, the helplessness of pro-democracy activists, the aphasia of free intellectuals under coercive oppression... The Chinese who were deprived of everything by Mao Zedong seem to be At the beginning of the reform, I finally saw the first line of fighting for my own rights, first of all, the hope of private property ownership, but under the slogan of "some people get rich first", once again, they were preempted by powerful family groups to seize their own sudden wealth Be fooled and betrayed.

In today's China, the rich and powerful are not only unscrupulously carve up the party property transformed from the assets of the whole people, but also search for the wealth of the people through legal stock markets, illegal fundraising and bank loans. Manipulation and embezzlement, the money that people put into the pockets of fundraisers is taken over by privileged scammers, and the hard-earned money that people keep in banks has become a victim of financial black holes.

Looking at the fundamental difference between the reforms in the 1980s and 1990s from the perspective of the relationship between political reform and economic reform, it is reasonable to conclude that in the 1980s when Hu and Zhao led reforms, it was economic reform that promoted political transformation. In the 1990s when Deng and Jiang led reforms, the reforms were reduced to a tool for maintaining political stagnation. That is to say, the second reform was introduced by Deng Xiaoping into the worst kind of privilege-led "robber capitalism"—reformed as a tool of dictatorial politics, which not only provided the legitimacy of the administrative power, but also provided the powerful Providing an excellent opportunity to get rich overnight, the dirty blood of capital feeds the evil dictatorship, and the political deadlock maintained by the reform is precisely the most conducive to the active collusion between power and capital.

The fifteen years since Hu Yaobang passed away unjustly were also the fifteen years during which Zhao Ziyang was under house arrest, and it was also the fifteen years during which the political reforms jointly promoted by the two stagnated. However, from holding the high-level decision-making power of the CCP to only having "the power of the powerless", the political and moral resources they left behind have not completely disappeared, just like the many dissidents from the people who have been deprived of their freedom and even their lives Same.

In China in the post-totalitarian era, every price paid for fighting against dictatorship and fighting for freedom is also an accumulation of moral and political resources. What's more, the political and moral resources possessed by Hu and Zhao are not limited to the people. They still have potential influence within the system. The charismatic "invisible hand." The current CCP regime's strict defense against Zhao Ziyang and Bao Tong proves from the negative side that they are still morally strong, far stronger than the current high-ranking dictatorship oligarchs.

The transformation of the social system from dictatorship to freedom is accomplished through the long-term struggle with the dictatorship and the resources accumulated through sacrifices. However, compared with the former Soviet Union and Eastern Taiwan, and Taiwan, the price paid by the Chinese in the mainland is even more disastrous, and the waste of accumulated resources is even more shocking. Paid a huge blood price, but did not get political leaders like Havel in the Czech Republic, Lech Walesa in Poland, Yeltsin in the former Soviet Union, and Chiang Ching-kuo in Taiwan... even a political leader like Aung San Suu in Myanmar A political figure like Ji was not born, nor did he leave behind a masterpiece like "The Gulag Archipelago" that witnessed history.

Is it possible that the best outcome of the future fate of mainland Chinese is already doomed to be well-off and happy given by the dictator? Is there no chance for a dignified life other than being worthy of pig-like satisfaction?

After half a century of suffering and more than 20 years of reforms, the price Chinese people have paid for political liberalization and democratization should teach us to cherish those hard-won resources a hundred times, and turn them into the integration of moral cohesion and political mobilization symbol, instead of indulging in the recklessness and arrogance of the political upstarts, the squandering of misery, the waste of blood, the rapid loss of a precious resource, so that when the collapse of the dictatorship came, it was paid for fighting against this inhuman system. People with extraordinary costs no longer have any resources to guide the people to invest in the construction of the new system.

Due to the influence of demonstrations and protests at that time, the Chinese government adopted a conservative attitude in formulating reform policies, and believed that the reason for demonstrations and protests was the result of too fast reform. The influence of Deng Xiaoping, who presided over the reform and opening up policy, was significantly reduced after the demonstrations broke out, forcing him to compromise with the hardliners who insisted on socialism. But then Zhao Ziyang, who also supported Deng Xiaoping's reform and opening policy, was forced to stay away from the political core. At the same time, under the pressure of the conservative camp, Deng Xiaoping also began to distance himself from national policy decisions.

After the establishment of the leadership group headed by Jiang Zemin, Deng Xiaoping later used Jiang Zemin as a "qualified general secretary" as an excuse to let Jiang Zemin take over as the chairman of the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China, and himself withdrew from the top leadership. However, the government’s slow pace of reform and opening-up has drawn strong criticism from local leaders on the one hand, and on the other hand, due to the disintegration of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, Deng Xiaoping’s influence has gradually recovered among conservative forces.

In April 1990, when Chen Yun wrote to Jiang Zemin, he suddenly mentioned the issue of using religion to carry out counter-revolutionary activities. He said: "Using religion to compete with us for the masses, especially young people, is a common tactic of foreign class enemies, and it is also a common tactic of some foreign class enemies. It is a painful lesson for a country led by the Communist Party to lose power. The central government should earnestly grasp this major event, and now is the time!"

In 1992, Deng Xiaoping made inspection tours and speeches in Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Guangzhou, Shanghai and other places in southern China, reaffirming Deng Xiaoping's theory related to reform and opening up.

On March 12, 1993, Wang Zhen passed away.

On April 10, 1995, Chen Yun passed away. At the age of 89.

State television broadcast a lengthy obituary, saying he had died of an unspecified illness. An obituary issued by the Central Committee, the leading body of the Communist Party of China, stated that Chen Yun was "a great proletarian revolutionary, statesman, outstanding Marxist, one of the pioneers and founders of China's socialist economic A proven leader".

Funeral arrangements for Chen Yun have not been made public, but diplomats here in China say any commemoration will be scrutinized for its political significance as the 90-year-old paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping, is in a political transition amid his declining health.

Chen Yun's family members did not appear on the TV, only a black-framed photo of him. Chen Yun's son, Chen Yuan, is a senior party official and vice-governor of the central bank.

Like Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun was one of the Communist revolutionaries who founded the People's Republic of China in 1949. He sided with Deng many times during his life, but in the last decade he led a faction of Marxist ideologues and conservative central planners against Deng. At times, this confrontation appears to jeopardize China's economic transformation.

Indeed, many Chinese in recent years have felt that the direction of future reforms may depend on which of the two most senior leaders — Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun — survives longer.

For the past 16 years, Chen Yun's distaste for Western capitalism has seriously hindered the pace of China's economic reforms. A staunch supporter of reform, a Communist Party official, said that while Chen Yun was revered, some in the party felt a sense of relief that Chen Yun died before Deng Xiaoping.

“If Deng Xiaoping dies first,” he said, “I think our entire reform process will be stalled for three years.”

At the end of February, Chen Yun was admitted to a high-level ward dedicated to national leaders in Beijing Hospital. He is reportedly on regular dialysis for kidney failure.

Chen Yun's last public appearance was at a televised gathering during the Lunar New Year in February 1994. At that time, he looked very healthy and in much better condition than Deng Xiaoping. That was also the last time Deng Xiaoping appeared on TV.

Deng Xiaoping is said to be being treated by a team of doctors at his home north of the Forbidden City.

In tonight’s official obituary, the CCP emphasized Chen Yun’s support for Deng Xiaoping over the years, believing that in 1977, Chen Yun “strongly suggested and firmly supported Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s participation in the leadership of the Central Committee again”—a year before that, Shortly before Lao Mao's death, Lao Deng was purged.

The obituary credits Chen Yun for helping to lessen the negative impact of catastrophic economic policies on Mao's China in the 1950s, including the Great Leap Forward, which sparked a famine that killed some 30 million Chinese.

The obituary stated that Chen Yun supported Lao Deng's evaluation of Lao Mao's historical mistakes. Still, the obituary also strives to link the three together in the shrine of the Communist Party leader.

The obituary stated that Chen Yun "repeatedly emphasized that Comrade Mao Zedong's achievements come first, and his mistakes come second."

Liu Xiaosheng said to Nan Yangsheng and Pan Tianliang from the perspective of a media person:

In the last days of the two CCP veterans, Wang Zhen and Chen Yun, they expressed their nostalgia for Mao Zedong on different occasions and in different ways, and expressed their problems and hidden worries about the reform and opening up. There is no doubt that they are real Mao fans, and they did not use any special language to derogate Lao Mao's prestige.