Wake up（359）

 

359

 

Liu Xiaosheng talked about reform and opening up to Lao Pantou, Nanyangsheng, Pan Tianliang, Nan Liwa, Wanru and other young people, and said: In the process of China's reform and opening up, there are indeed two completely different ways of reforming. "One is the adherence to the socialist road, the people's democratic dictatorship, the leadership of the Communist Party, the reform and opening up of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought that the Party Central Committee and Comrade Deng Xiaoping have always advocated, that is, reform and opening up as a self-improvement of the socialist system. The other is the 'reform and opening up' advocated by those who adhere to the position of bourgeois liberalization and demand China's 'total westernization', which is separated from, deviates from, and opposes the four basic principles. This so-called 'reform and opening up' The essence is capitalism, which means bringing China into the Western capitalist system.”

The opposition between these two views on reform "is manifested to a large extent in the issue of whether reform and opening up should adhere to the direction of socialism."

Facts have proved that the differences in Deng Xiaoping's and Chen Yun's reform thoughts are obviously not antagonisms in the above sense. They are completely consistent on whether to reform, to adhere to the correct direction and development of reform and opening up, and there is no disagreement or antagonism. As Bo Yibo said: "In the new period of reform and opening up, Comrade Xiaoping is the core of the party's second-generation central leadership group, and Comrade Chen Yun is an important member of this leadership group. ' and successfully created the correct path of building socialism with Chinese characteristics."

The Great Harmony in Deng Xiaoping’s and Chen Yun’s reform thoughts is mainly determined by their similar experiences and common beliefs. They are both important members of the party’s first and second generation central leadership collectives, and both are staunch Marxists. , so they have a common understanding of China's reforms.

The small differences in Deng Xiaoping's and Chen Yun's reform thoughts are mainly determined by their different personalities, working methods and specific positions. The two have their own strengths in these aspects, and the differences are obvious. This difference has a complementary effect. The mutual cooperation and complementarity between Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun is one of the important factors for China's reform, opening up and modernization in the new era to open up a new situation and achieve great achievements.

In 1986, Chen Yun invited Deng Xiaoping and Li Xiannian to have a secret long talk at home. At that time, both Chen Yun and Deng Xiaoping were over 80 years old, and Li Xiannian was also close to 80 years old. They agreed that after the Fourth Plenary Session of the 13th Central Committee, their wish to "retire completely" should be fulfilled. The five-year period from 1987 to 1992 was the five years in which Chen Yun went from "half-retirement" to complete "full-retirement".

Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun not only prepared for their own full retirement, but also paid great attention to the succession of the red descendants of the generation who fought against the country.

Liu Xiaosheng believes that: Looking at China's contemporary political arena, business, and financial fields, a large number of red descendants of the generation who conquered the country have taken over and controlled the important lifeline of the Republic. All of this depends on the far-sighted planning and arrangements of Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun and other CCP veterans.

Liu Xiaosheng said to Nan Yangsheng and Pan Tianliang: I have saved a conversation in my mobile phone with a reporter from the French Broadcasting Corporation interviewing Gao Falin, chief editor of the Der Spiegel Group. You might as well take a look.

 

Fa Guang: When did the generation that the CCP conquered the country feel the urgency to raise their children?

Gao Falin: When the CCP established its regime, the founding fathers were all in their early 30s to 50 years old, and they were still in the prime of life, and the issue of power transfer was not prominent. In the 1960s, Mao Zedong proposed that the whole party should attach importance to cultivating "successors of the revolutionary cause", and that a new generation of people should grow up in the face of strong winds and waves. But at that time, they generally called for "struggling to be successors" in a broad sense; The violent impact of the people at the bottom has lingering fears for the rebels. They have said many times: People like Wang Hongwen and Kuai Dafu have an age advantage, and we can't compete with them. Then, "letting our children succeed will not dig the graves of our ancestors." This issue of "New Historical Records" published Yan Huai's reminiscence article, revealing their long-term plans.

Fa Guang: Who is the author Yan Huai?

Gao Falin: Yan Huai is also a "second generation red". Before the Cultural Revolution, he was admitted to Tsinghua University. In August 1982, he was arranged by Chen Yun's office and transferred to the Youth Cadres Bureau, which was just established by the Central Organization Department and Li Rui was the first director. He recently published a memoir "Entering and Exiting the Organization Department of the Central Committee", talking about his work experience in the Youth Cadres Bureau: the establishment of this bureau is to step up the discovery, selection and promotion of new forces they can trust, and at the same time to prevent and eliminate rebellions during the Cultural Revolution group. The few years Yan Huai worked there coincided with the several transitions between the old and the new in the CCP in the mid-1980s. At that time, he was young, inexperienced, and low-ranking, but he represented the Organization Department of the Central Committee, which was known as the "First Department of Heavenly Officials" and was in charge of officials' official careers. Later, he became a state-level, deputy state-level, provincial and ministerial-level leader, like Xi Jinping, Zhang Dejiang, Li Changchun, Wu Yi, Li Tieying, Zhang Lichang... He disclosed how the Central Organization Department implemented the intentions of the veterans.

Fa Guang: What is the intention of the elders?

Gao Falin: In short, two sentences, the first sentence: We must strictly control the gates, we must not allow the Cultural Revolution rebels to "infiltrate" the reserve cadres and regain power; the second sentence: We must control the policy and never let our own The "second generation of red" children are regarded as "three kinds of people", and their careers are hindered.

Fa Guang: What does "three kinds of people" mean, and which three kinds of people do they refer to?

Gao Falin: "Three kinds of people" was a specific political concept at that time, referring to: those who started as rebels, those with serious gang ideology, and those who smashed and looted. Defining them as "three kinds of people", just like the past as "the land rich against the bad", means that they are included in the hostile camp and belong to the control object. Yan Huai was in charge of "documenting" the leaders of university student rebel organizations during the Cultural Revolution throughout the country. No punishment will be given, but the school will notify the unit where they are working and record it, that is to say, their future promotion and reuse will be useless.

Fa Guang: How big is the attack surface?

Gao Falin: Not small. Because Yan Huai returned the documents and work notes according to the regulations when he left the Organization Department of the Central Committee, he couldn't remember the specific numbers. But he is an alumnus of Tsinghua University, and he learned that there were 58 people who were "recorded" by his alma mater. There are only so many universities in one university, and the number of colleges and universities across the country is astonishing!

Yan Huai gave two examples. One example shows what the political intentions of the CCP veterans are; the other example shows what the so-called attention to policy is all about.

Fa Guang: Can you introduce these two examples?

Gao Falin: The first example: On behalf of the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Yan Huai presided over the "recorded symposium" of leading cadres of various universities in Beijing. A leader of Tsinghua University asked a question: "The Red Guards pulled down the historic building 'Second School Gate', He Long's son He Pengfei Do you want to 'record it'?" This question is of universal significance: in the bloody "Red August" in 1966, most of the people who took the lead in "sweeping the four olds" and beating people to death at will were the children of high-ranking cadres. People" and "smashing and looting elements"?

Fa Guang: How does the Organization Department of the Central Committee judge?

Gao Falin: Yan Huai confessed to the leader in private, telling the truth: "The elders are only doing this to rectify the rebels who criticize them, how can they use their own children!" After he went back to report, the Central Organization Department worked The Office immediately notified the Organization Department of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee and forwarded it to universities across the country: "The conservative old Red Guards in the early days of the Cultural Revolution were not rebels, and their leaders did not belong to the 'recorded' scope." "These Red Guards do not belong to the 'three kinds of people', and the best of them should be selected for the third echelon." The green light was given to the "second generation of red guards" who committed crimes of beating, vandalizing and looting, and they are what they are today. hot.

Faguang: What is the second example?

Gao Falin: We know that during the Cultural Revolution, although the rebels in various places and units rose up in response to Mao Zedong's call that "rebellion is justified", they were not monolithic. Some of them were more radical and some were relatively moderate. Some rebels did not Participate in looting. Chen Chusan, the leader of the moderate rebel organization "April 14th" at Tsinghua University, wrote an article introducing the situation of the Cultural Revolution at the request of the officials of the Organization Department of the Central Committee, emphasizing that they fought against the Kuai Dafu faction supported by the Central Cultural Revolution. This article was also sent to Chen Yun later.

Fa Guang: How does Chen Yun express his stance on this issue?

Gao Falin: According to ordinary people's thinking, leaders should warn to "pay attention to policies", pay attention to differentiated treatment, and analyze specific situations. But Chen Yun's statement surprised people: In his eyes, all rebels are the same thing! Immediately after the instruction he mentioned just now, he said: "People like Chen Chusan must be particularly vigilant, and they must not be allowed to sneak into the third echelon"!

This example is a very typical example of a series of contradictions among the veterans of the CCP: on the one hand, they keep saying that they want to safeguard Mao Zedong’s banner; If they continue to fight mercilessly, they will never be able to stand up again; at the same time, they carefully circle out their children and recommend them to embark on the fast lane of politics. In all these contradictions, the purpose is the same: to keep their own red country.

 

After reading this WeChat, Nan Yangsheng and Pan Tianliang said to Liu Xiaosheng: We have increased our knowledge, at least we know the origins of the "second generation of red" and "second generation of officials".